tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6965517113960690462024-03-08T18:43:06.700+05:30Prem's MusingsMemories and musings... sweet and sourಪ್ರೇಮತಾಣhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04637584025392553280noreply@blogger.comBlogger5125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-696551711396069046.post-11160230811720123542016-10-05T15:27:00.002+05:302017-04-11T04:49:58.442+05:30ECONOMICS AND SECURITY DO MATTER! THE REAL RATIONALES BEHIND PAKISTAN’S QUEST FOR MASTERY OVER JAMMU AND KASHMIR<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: large; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><b>Prem Shekhar</b></span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Leaders of Muslim League vociferously spoke again and again for partition of the Indian Sub-continent and creation of
a homeland for Indian Muslims.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Their actions,
however, speak otherwise.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mohammad Al
Jinnah described Hindus and Muslims as two “nations” a myriad times till he got
Pakistan, but, changed his tone the moment he became the chairman of Pakistan’s
Constituent Assembly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Addressing the
Assembly from the chair on August 11, 1947 he called Hindus and Muslims as just
two “Communities” and more importantly, declared Pakistan would become a modern
secular state, not an Islamic state. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>After assuming the prime ministerial office Liaqat
Ali Khan openly declared that there was no place in Pakistan for Indian Muslims
except those from East Punjab.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He forgot
at that moment he was from United Province (today’s Uttar Pradesh), not from
East Punjab.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Both Jinnah and Khan tried
in vain to get ‘Hindu’ states of Udaipur, Jaipur and Jaisalmer acceded into ‘Muslim’
Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Demographically the real
Pakistan was East Pakistan as 56% of Pakistanis lived there. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But, in 1956 the then Pakistan prime minister
Choudhury Mohammad Ali suggested to Indian leaders to take East Pakistan and
give Jammu and Kashmir in return!</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">So, what emerges from these facts is
that the Muslim League and the creators of Pakistan didn’t have any interest in the welfare of Muslims of the Sub-continent.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In reality they just wanted some territory
for themselves to rule and they got it by using the religious card cleverly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They successfully fooled the world by hiding the
real reason and lying to the whole world that they, only they, were for the welfare
of Indian Muslims.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">This explains the “real” reason
behind Pakistan’s quest for mastery over Jammu and Kashmir.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pakistanis don’t have any love for Kashmiri
Muslims, instead, they are interested only in the economic and strategic importance
of J&K to their country. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All major
rivers of Pakistan either originate in or flow through J&K.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus, J&K is the source of water for
Pakistan and it’s anybody’s guess what will happen to that country if the whole
of J&K falls into hostile hands.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
Leaguers’ futile attempt to get merged into East Pakistan the whole of Assam despite
its overwhelming Hindu majority in all districts except Sylhet may be a case
worth mentioning here.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Recognition of
the future need for more land of the growing population of East Bengal was the
only logical rationale they had in their designs for sparsely populated Assam that
then included today’s states of Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Arunachal
Pradesh.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If they could recognize the
future land requirements of East Pakistan before Partition, they, it can be
safely assumed, had recognized the water requirements of West
Pakistan as well.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though the Indus Water
Treaty of 1960 allotted three western rivers of Indus river basin –Indus,
Jhelum and Chenab- fully to Pakistan, Islamabad’s worries did not
disappear.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pakistan has been visibly
sensitive to any Indian plan to harness the waters of these three rivers for
even the purpose of electricity generation which will not hamper or reduce the
flow of water into Pakistan in any manner.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Although Karachi was the political
capital of Pakistan when it came into being, the real seat of power was the garrison town of Rawalpindi.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was obvious that the Pakistani Army was
concerned about the safety of it’s headquarter. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Lt. Gen. Akbar Khan, the man who led Pakistan’s
assault on J&K on the night of October 22-23, 1947 clearly states in his book “Raiders
in the Valley” that in order not to jeopardize the security of Rawalpindi it
was very much necessary to push Indian frontier as far away as possible. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This way he justifies his raid across Jhelum and his military move to get J&K merged into Pakistan.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Like Bengal and Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir
too had clearly distinct and contiguous Muslim and non-Muslim majority
areas.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The British would certainly have
divided J&K too between India and Pakistan on religious basis if it were a
British province instead of being a princely state in 1947.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The first Kashmir War of 1947-48 and the
cease-fire of 1 January 1949 did give <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Muslim
Pakistan</i> control over almost all Muslim regions of Kashmir except the
Valley.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Still, Islamabad has not given
up its claim for the whole state despite the non-Muslim population in Jammu
region and Ladakh <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">as Kashmir as a whole
is very vital for Pakistan’s economic viability</i> and this very fact would have
prompted the successive rulers in Islamabad to work for getting J&K into
their <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Muslim Pakistan</i> even if this
hilly state had non-Muslim majority in all its regions.</span></div>
</div>
ಪ್ರೇಮತಾಣhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04637584025392553280noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-696551711396069046.post-20221371467334116642014-09-17T16:35:00.003+05:302014-09-17T16:35:56.261+05:30Was it Necessary?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Czar
Nikolas II, after his execution by Lenin’s men in 1918, went to the other
world, netherworld, most likely.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He
didn’t forget his country and would look everyday for anyone who came from
Russia and demand to know the state of affairs in the vast land that stretched
from the Baltic to the Pacific.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">One
day, on November 15, 1981 to be precise, he saw a man with distinct Russian
features entering the gate.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He rushed to
him and asked where in Russia the newcomer came from.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“From Moscow, from Kremlin, to be
precise.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I am Leonid Brezhnev, the
Supreme Leader of the great communist nation Soviet Union till the previous
moment” the man replied with an air of pride.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>“Ah!” exclaimed the Czar with tremendous satisfaction. “You are the
right person to talk to.” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Then followed
the following conversation:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">“Tell
me, how is my Russia these days?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was
a great power during my days.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Is it
still?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Czar Nikolas wanted to know.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">“It
still is.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is one of the two super
powers.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Brezhnev announced for everyone
around to hear.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">“Good.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You are maintaining my tradition. Thank
you.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And… and… I never gave any freedom
to my people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Have you communists
introduced democracy, free speech or something of that sort?”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Czar Nikolas probed further.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">“Democracy!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What nonsense are you talking?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Are you out of your brain?”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Brezhnev suddenly raised his voice.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Nikolas was taken aback and there was silence
for a couple of moments.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Brezhnev looked
at him quizzically: “Anything else you want to know?”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">“Not
really.” Nikolas mumbled, “Just wondering that there seems to be no difference
between your regime and mine.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ignoring
Brezhnev’s frown he spoke slowly: “People complained of food scarcity during my
days.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Have you communists solved that
problem?”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">“Well…”
Brezhnev hesitated, “that complaint has become louder now.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He whispered into Nikolas’ ears.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">“Russians
drank plenty of vodka in those days.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Hope your communist government has not banned drinking.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Nikolas persisted.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">“Why
should we?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Let the people drink and get
inebriated.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I mean, let them have fun
and allow us to have our own fun in Kremlin.”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">“You
mean no difference between my regime and your communist regime!” Nikolas
exclaimed with relief.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There was a
twinkle in his eyes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Brezhnev turned the
other side as if looking for a friend.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>“One last question,” Nikolas drew
Brezhnev’s attention.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“During my days
state law restricted alcohol in vodka to thirty-eight percent.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Does it remain the same?”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">“No
man.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It has gone up to forty percent.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Brezhnev revealed.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">“In
that case,” Czar Nikolas looked straight into comrade Brezhnev’s eyes, “just
for that extra two percent of alcohol in vodka, was it necessary for you
Bolsheviks to stage that big revolution in October 1917?”</span></div>
</div>
ಪ್ರೇಮತಾಣhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04637584025392553280noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-696551711396069046.post-74620554412321170262014-09-02T14:37:00.000+05:302014-09-02T14:37:10.715+05:30PAKISTAN, DEMOCRACY AND THE MYTH OF SISYPHUS<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">L. Premashekhara</span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Abstract</span></i></b></div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Pakistan has been moving back and forth on democratic path and it has
been the fate of its people to roll the democratic boulder uphill and
helplessly watch it rolling back just like the mythical Sisyphus and, to repeat
this at least thrice so far in their six decade long history as independent
nation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The reasons for this Sisyphean
futility are rooted in the way Pakistan was created and subsequently
managed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Homeland for Indian Muslims
was not for the masses, their voices were not to be heard, their aspirations
were not to be recognized and respected, and to sum it all, there was no place
for democracy in Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This explains
Pakistan’s Sisyphean futility as far as democracy is concerned.</span></i></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Perhaps no other Asian event has attracted more
curiosity and concern, comments and laments, debates and discussions,
researches and analyses than the partition of India in 1947.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The volume of arguments justifying the need of
Indian Muslims to have their own homeland is indeed overwhelming and
intimidating. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They all talk of brute
Hindu majority out to gobble up the minorities once the colonial masters left
the country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All these arguments,
however, are mere facades to the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">two</i>
hidden reasons behind the emergence of Pakistan on 14-15 August 1947.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They are- first, British design to have a
politically friendly, strategically reliable and militarily <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">weak<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn1" name="_ednref1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></b></span></span></span></a></i>
independent political set up in the northwest of India to check Russian/Soviet
advance towards the Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean beyond; second, desires of a
few selfish aristocratic Indian Muslims gathered under the bandwagon of Muslim
League to have a sovereign political set up for themselves in predominantly
Muslim areas in the northwest and northeast of the subcontinent for securing
political power and perpetuate their socio-economic status which they thought,
would not be guaranteed in Congress-ruled, `Hindu-dominated’ independent India.
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus, Pakistan was conceived and created
to safeguard the interests of, on one hand, a colonial power which calculated
that its strategic interests in the altered international political scenario
could be best served by Asianizing the future Asian wars and sponsoring them as
and when required and, on the other, a small set of elite who dreamt of carving
out a political space for themselves in order to perpetuate their
socio-economic status with political power, the new country was to exist and
serve these two purposes only.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This
boils down to one bitter truth: Pakistan was not meant for the people of the
land. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Since the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Homeland for Indian Muslims</i> was not for the masses, their voices
were not to be heard, their aspirations were not to be recognized and respected,
and to sum it all, there was no place for democracy in Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This explains Pakistan’s Sisyphean futility
as far as democracy is concerned.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">It is not the objective of this paper to present the
evolution of politics in Pakistan in a chronological order emphasising on
individuals and events.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Rather, the
questions of why Pakistani politics is the way it is; what are the historical
roots of authoritarianism, Islamization and, heavy dependence on external patron
or patrons, that have become the ostensible faces of Pakistan are addressed
here.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Accordingly, this paper has been
divided into three sections.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
elements that were responsible for the creation of Pakistan and their
intentions in the division of India in 1947 are looked into in the first
section.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The sources of Pakistani
politics especially the legacy left behind by its founder Mohammad Ali Jinnah
are analysed in the subsequent section.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The third section is the logical continuation of the first two and an
attempt is made there to link the historical experience of Pakistan to the
`undemocratic’ nature prevalent in its politics.</span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">CREATION OF PAKISTAN</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">It is not the
aim of this paper to probe the creation of Pakistan, a vast, complex and
inconclusive subject.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn2" name="_ednref2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a> <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is rather an impossible and needless task
too.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>However, a `peep’ into this subject
in a rather unorthodox way and highlighting the aspects of the same that are
necessary to prepare the reader to follow the arguments put forth in the
subsequent pages is very much required.</span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Internal
Elements behind Pakistan’s Creation</span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">In the words of
Mushirul Hasan:</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">India’s independence in August 1947 was the culmination of a prolonged
and sustained movement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The birth of
neighbouring Pakistan, on the other hand, would seem to be an aberration, a historical
accident caused by a configuration of forces at a particular historical
juncture.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Even at the most euphoric
stage, the campaign for a `Muslim’ nation was hardly embedded in the
`historical logic’ of the two nation theory.</span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 72.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: right; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">(Hasan 2001: 1)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 72.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">In other words, Pakistan, unlike India, earned its
freedom not through mass based freedom movement based on the concept of
nationalism and common historical identity, values like liberty and
representative democracy and, not even through rejection of alien rule.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Instead, the leaders of Muslim League relied
upon the British colonial masters for a share in the political power which they
were unsure of gaining on their own and for which they willingly cooperated
with the latter.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They pledged loyalty to
the Crown and in return demanded job quotas and separate electorate for Muslims
in what was described as policy of positive discrimination. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The very fact that the Muslim League was
founded in 1906 after a meeting between the then viceroy, Lord Minto and the
Simla Deputation organized by the Muslim elites of northern India who felt that
their interests were under threat from British educational policies,
bureaucratic reforms and powerful `Hindu revivalist campaigns’<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn3" name="_ednref3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a> (Ibid;
4); and colonial policies thereafter were tilted towards the Muslims through
legislations like the Minto-Marley Reforms reveal beyond any doubt the
collaboration between the Muslim elite and the British colonial rulers.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The League’s base was very narrow with only the Muslim
elite as its members and decision makers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The common Muslim masses were conveniently kept out of it.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn4" name="_ednref4" style="mso-endnote-id: edn4;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[4]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The consequence of this faulty approach was a
rude shock to the League when, in the elections of 1937, it failed to secure
popular mandate even in Muslim majority provinces like the Punjab and the North
West Frontier Province (NWFP).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Things
changed, albeit slowly, and with the pro-separatist activities of the League
and its leaders especially Mohammad Iqbal and Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the
attractive picture of the Muslim homeland the former painted, and the support
the latter received from the British rulers in the 1930s, the dream of a
separate state for Muslims appeared realizable.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This `dream’ tempted more and more Muslims into the fold of the League
and its support base gradually widened.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Still, a vast majority of Muslims, both elite and otherwise, consciously
stayed away from it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There were two
viewpoints among the Muslims of India during the 1930s and 1940s regarding
their future.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>First, Indian “Muslims
must have a territory of their own, a homeland, where they could make the
obligatory experiment of living according to the shari`ah”, and second,
“Muslims must live and work with non-Muslims for the realization of common
ideals of citizenship and culture” (Mujeeb 2001: 403).<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn5" name="_ednref5" style="mso-endnote-id: edn5;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[5]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They, however, could not choose between
these two diametrically opposite viewpoints decisively and, that <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">failure</i> was, in the final count,
responsible for the mighty Indian Muslim community splitting into two
nationalities on 14-15 August 1947 and into three on 16 December 1971.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">To a dispassionate observer Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the
founder of a Pakistan was a man with both religious and secular credentials
which made many wonder whether these credentials were dubious<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn6" name="_ednref6" style="mso-endnote-id: edn6;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[6]</span></span></span></span></a>
and, if they really were, did they cover his hidden agenda of serving, along
with his own, British interests.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>His
calculated arguments, passionate appeals and colourful oratory as the occasion
demanded compounded the persistent suspicion about his real intentions and that
is the reason why his role in Indian’s freedom struggle is still a hotly
debated subject.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn7" name="_ednref7" style="mso-endnote-id: edn7;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[7]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Jinnah started his political career in the 1910s with
secular mindset and was rightly identified as an “Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim
unity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When in 1925, to a question, the
Raja of Mahmudabad answered that he was a Muslim first and then an Indian,
Jinnah corrected him: “My boy, no, you are an Indian first and then a Muslim”
(Mahmudabad 2010: 420-21). He once again exhibited the same secular mindset
when he successfully created Pakistan almost single-handedly and delivered his
first presidential address to the Constituent Assembly of the new nation on 11
August 1947. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He declared:</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">If you change your past and work together with a spirit that everyone of
you, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second, and last a
citizen of this State with equal rights, privileges and obligations, there will
be no end to the progress you will make… We should begin to work in that spirit
and in course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority
communities, the Hindu community and the Muslim community, because even as
regards Muslims you have Pathans, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis, and so on, and among
the Hindus you have Brahmins, Vaishnavas, Khatris, also Bengalees, Madrasis,
and so on, will vanish… You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you
are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this State
of Pakistan. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You may belong to any
religion or caste or creed—that has nothing to do with the business of the
State.</span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 72.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: right; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">(Khan 1987: 159; Ali 2008: 43-44)</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">What happened during the intervening period is a
subject of endless inquiry and debate.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The fact, however, remains that he perennially, till the last year of his
life, switched between the two diametrically opposite standpoints of secular
outlook and commitment towards United India on the one hand, raise the bogey of
Hindu communalism and imperialism and, demand the creation of a homeland for
Indian Muslims on the other, with remarkable ease and eloquence.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">External
Elements behind Pakistan’s Creation</span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">On the other hand, the
British imperialists didn’t have the dilemma Jinnah faced with regard to
India’s future.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They had made a
calculated determination to create a dependent state in the northwest of India
during the turn of the twentieth century following Russian moves across the
Pamirs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The British had clearly realized
the extent of danger from the northwest and took adequate measures to minimize
the same.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They did something no Indian
ruler had done earlier.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They demarcated
the Indo-Afghan boundary and formalized the same with a written treaty in
1893.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though the British failed to extend
India’s north-western frontier up to the Hindukush Line, the line that ran along
Kabul, Ghazni, and Kandahar, the scientific boundary line for the defence of
northern India, they succeeded in delineating the India-Afghanistan border (the
Durand Line) that firmly placed in their control the Khyber Pass that, for
millennia, had been the gateway to the Indus plains from the northwest.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Durand Line followed the eastern limits
of the “Hindukush-Khyber Corridor” (Premashekhara 2008: 22).</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">It was the activities of
the Imperial Russian Army that prompted the British to go for delineating
Indo-Afghan border and to strengthen their positions there.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The defence of the Punjab plains assumed
importance in 1888 when the Imperial Russian army under the leadership of
Captain Grombechevsky reached Hunza in northern Kashmir.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The British apprehension and their threat
perception vis-à-vis Imperial Russia were demonstrated by Durand, the
experienced frontier expert, when he said, “the game had begun” (Woodman 1969:
72).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Russians were, if allowed,
capable of threatening the security of the densely populated Punjab which was
not only the wheat bowl of the crown colony but also the largest supplier of
men to the imperial army.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The British
administration overcame this menace by formally delineating Afghanistan’s
border first with India in 1893 and with Russia in the Pamirs two years
later.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The two European powers who were
involved in the “Great Game” in the northwest of India made significant moves
towards ‘peace’ by signing a treaty on 11 March 1995.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Accordingly, a narrow corridor called
“Wakhan” was created between the Russian controlled Tazhik territories and the
princely state of Jammu & Kashmir of the British Indian Empire, and the
same was placed under the control of Kabul.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Further, with the Anglo–Russian Convention of 1907, London succeeded in
getting Moscow accept Afghanistan as a buffer between Russia and India and
never to cross it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not fully convinced
of Russian sincerity, the British rulers took from the State of Jammu &
Kashmir the Gilgit region<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn8" name="_ednref8" style="mso-endnote-id: edn8;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[8]</span></span></span></span></a>
that shared common boundary with the Wakhan Corridor, and placed an army unit
there in order to monitor the movement of the Russian army across the Corridor
and deter any possible Russian adventure.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Still not convinced of the security of their Indian empire and control
over Indian Ocean they calculated to create an independent state in the
northwest of India which would accept British military presence on its soil and
serve as their base against the Russians.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn9" name="_ednref9" style="mso-endnote-id: edn9;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[9]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Since the land where the proposed new state
was to come up consisted of a Muslim majority, it became quite imperative for
the British colonial masters to tilt towards the Muslim community in India.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Indian constitutional developments of the 1920s
and 1930s, the Minto-Morley reforms and the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms and the
Government of India Act of 1935 which all ensured the Muslim League a share in
the power were based on this approach.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Jinnah turned this British policy to his own advantage:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 72.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The fact that Pakistan separated from India on the issue of religious
politics reveals one of the effects of British rule that nationalism has not
yet been able to submerge. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Encouragement
of political organization within the framework of religion had, after the First
World War, become the principal British device for splitting the onslaught of a
united nationalism. British official and semiofficial literature persisted in
referring to a supposed Hindu Congress long after All-India Congress had made it
a major policy to stress the union in nationalism of people of different
religious faiths. Mohammed Ali Jinnah developed the momentum of his political
career by turning this British policy to his own advantage.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">(</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Lattimore 1949:
184)</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In this regard,
the divergent attitudes of Congress and Muslim League towards the British
during the Second World War proved to be decisive:</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">During the war when the hub of the British Empire was fighting for its
existence, the Congress Party of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru demanded
immediate independence so that a free India could determine whether it should
participate in the war effort.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
British were angered by the request and refused.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Congress contemptuously broke off
relations with the British and boycotted its institutions.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The colonial power was even less pleased when
after the fall of Singapore to the Japanese in February 1942, Gandhi proposed
and launched “Quit India” movement in August.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>An offer from the British cabinet pledging independence at the end of
the war was rejected with a biting phrase-“a blank cheque from a failing bank,”
retorted Gandhi who was convinced the British would lose in Asia...</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 72.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">In polar contrast, the Muslim League had always remained on the British
side.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was firmly supportive of war
efforts.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The British responded in
kind.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pakistan, was in effect, a big
thank-you present to the Muslim League.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Had the Congress Party adopted similar strategy the result might well
have been different.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">(Ali 2008: 32-33)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Thus, it was a British policy to create Pakistan for
its strategic needs and Jinnah and the Muslim League used this for their
end.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The British strategic experts were
quite content with their half a century old scheme in the subcontinent neared
its logical end when the creation of Pakistan became certain by the middle of
1947.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A top secret report prepared by
the chiefs of staff on 7 July 1947 reveals:</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The area of Pakistan [West Pakistan or the northwest of India] is
strategically the most important in the continent of India and the majority of
our strategic requirements could be met... by an agreement with Pakistan
alone.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We do not thereafter consider
that failure to obtain the agreement with India [Hindustan] would cause us to
modify any of our requirements...</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">(Sarila 2009: 28)</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">SOURCES AND AIMS OF POLITICS IN PAKISTAN</span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Since Pakistan was created by a few elites, one man to
be precise; and a foreign power, it drew strength from these elements only, and
its purpose was to serve their interests only.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The only change that occurred after the creation of the Muslim state was
that, internally local elite replaced the Indian Muslim elite who had brought
the state into being and externally, US and, to a lesser extent China, replaced
Britain.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In other words, the scenes and
casts changed periodically, but the stage and story remained the same.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ideas and methods to create a new, vibrant,
modern state with domestic democratic political system and independent foreign
policy did not emerge and, policies and approaches of initial leadership
especially Jinnah himself were largely responsible for this.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It has become a joke in streets as well as in
academic circles especially in South Asia that Pakistan is ruled by three `A’s-
Allah, the Army and America; and if they are taken as symbols of Islamization,
authoritarianism and, external patron respectively, their origin can be traced
to the policies and attitudes of one man -Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of
Pakistan.</span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Jinnah</span></u></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">’s
Legacy</span></u></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Jinnah was not democratic.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For all his ideals repeatedly stated
eloquently in colourful and mesmerising language, he never behaved
democratically as head of the state.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>From the moment of Pakistan’s birth, he assumed, without any seeming
inhibition, all key levers of power and decision making in the new state with
three most important positions in his hand.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>He was not only the governor general, but also president of the Muslim
League and chairman of the Constituent Assembly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Being the founder of Pakistan he had such a
massive authority in his hand, few dared to challenge him and, the process of
Jinnah assuming authoritarian power in Pakistan was very swift and in a sense,
continuation of his pre-Partition attitude and approach towards Muslim League
of which he was the undisputed leader.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Leading a separatist movement is one thing but, leading an independent
state is quite another.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The problems of
multi-ethnic and multi-lingual Pakistan which comprised of two distinct
geographical units which had nothing in common except religion and separated
from each other by twelve hundred mile-long <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">hostile</i>
Hindu territory were many fold, multi-layered and the task of nation-building
demanded accommodation and democratic approach.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Jinnah on the other hand, chose to address these challenges through
authoritarian approach with his misplaced judgment that the internal problems
rooted in the demands of different regional and ethnic groups for political and
economic power could be extinguished through diverting the attention of the
people towards external threats, real or assumed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In this regard, he demanded unopposed and
complete loyalty from every section of the politico-administrative set up and
citizens of all shades in order to enable him to effectively counter and
protect the Muslim homeland of which he was the founder and saviour.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This way, in the name of defending the
country Jinnah set out to create a system of centralized or authoritarian
powers in his own hands and his “framework was presidential or imperial” (Jalal
85: 50); and this is what exactly every successive ruler of Pakistan –military
or civilian- did.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Jinnah did not favour a political system based on the
principles of constitutional checks and balances as a basis of political
development.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>An “unusual” resolution
passed by the Pakistani cabinet of Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan on 30
December 1947 testifies to this.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It states:
“no question of policy or principle would be decided, except at a meeting
presided over by the Quaid-e-Azam.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In
the event of any difference of opinion between him and the Cabinet, the
decision of the Quaid would be final and binding” (Lambah 2003: 154).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This gave absolute power to Governor General
Jinnah.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He, however, was not there to
exercise this power for long as he succumbed to tuberculosis and cancer on 11
September 1948 barely thirteen months after the creation of Pakistan; and this
power was transferred to his successors who kept it intact.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When the Constituent Assembly attempted to
change the provision that had given the governor general powers above the prime
minister and the cabinet, it was dissolved by the then governor general, Ghulam
Mohammad.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The constitutions of 1956 and
1962 kept the provision intact.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The 1973
Constitution, the brainchild of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, did omit that and made the
president a figurehead, but, barely four hours after its proclamation Bhutto
issued an ordinance that placed president’s powers above the prime
minister’s.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Zia-ul-Haq brought it back
into the constitution in 1985 with the notorious Eight Amendment and the first
victim was Mohammad Khan Junejo in 1988.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Since then it has been used by every president to dismiss every cabinet
till 1996 with Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif earning the dubious distinction
of getting dismissed twice each.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus,
the policy of placing head of state above head of government, a `tradition’ set
by Jinnah in the very first year of Pakistan’s existence, still haunts that
country.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Jinnah argued, along with Liaquat Ali Khan, that
Pakistan could not afford the luxury of an opposition in politics (Rajan and
Ganguly 1981: 113-16). <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In a fitting
corollary, Ayub Khan, the general who staged Pakistan’s first military coup in
October 1958, seized power and didn’t let it go out of his hand for full eleven
years maintained: “The Western type of parliamentary democracy could not be
imposed on the people of Pakistan” (Khan 1967: 208).</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Bureaucrats turned politicians Ghulam Mohammad and
Iskander Mirza<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn10" name="_ednref10" style="mso-endnote-id: edn10;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[10]</span></span></span></span></a>
repeatedly and blatantly abused their powers as governor general and president
in early 1950s.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>From Ayub Khan to Parvez
Musharraf, all the military rulers who assumed positions like president or
chief marshal law administrator took authoritarianism to newer heights and
abuse of power during their regimes was total and blatant.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This tendency was not limited to military
rulers alone.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the
civilian leader Pakistan saw after thirteen years of military rule following
the breakup of the country in 1971 was equally autocratic.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He demanded complete loyalty from his party
and the nation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He used Pakistan Peoples
Party (PPP) as a tool to achieve his personal ambitions.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Those who disagreed with him were removed
from party position, and many were imprisoned too on one other charge (Ziring
1998: 380).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Bhutto, much to the
discomfiture and dismay of the Army generals, created a paramilitary outfit
called Federal Security Force (FSF) which was widely seen as his personal
army.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He used it against his political
opponents, many of whom were harassed and some even murdered (Ibid: 381; Talbot
1999: 219).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>His daughter Benazir Bhutto
demonstrated scant regard for democratic values by bequeathing the party
headship to her son Bilawal Bhutto Zardari through a will treating the PPP as
her personal fiefdom,</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">In the same manner the ascendency of Islam in
Pakistani life can also be traced to Jinnah.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>His attitude to Islam was dubious and questionable.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When he was campaigning for Pakistan, he used
religion to garner support for his scheme.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>He used Islam as bait to attract Muslim provincial leaders, tribal
chieftains and individuals who mattered.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>He wrote to Amin ul Hasanat, the Pir Sahib of Manki Shariff in NWFP in
1946 that Pakistan would be an Islamic State and Islamic laws ordained by
Shariat would be followed. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>His real
intentions were, however, contrary. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Iskander Mirza states:</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Before we left Delhi, I said to the Quaid-e-Azam one day, “Sir, we are
all agreed to go to Pakistan; but what kind of polity are you going to
have?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Are you going to have an Islamic
State?”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“Nonsense,” he replied, “I am
going to have a modern State.”</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">(Khan 1987: 158)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">His contradictory attitude towards place of Islam in
Pakistan continued even after the Homeland for Indian Muslims came into
being.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As mentioned earlier, in his
first address to the Pakistan Constituent Assembly on 11 August 1947, he called
upon the people of Pakistan to work together forgetting to what caste,
community or creed they belonged.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He
changed his approach rather soon.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
touch of secularism in his speeches in 1947 gave way to recognition of the
utility of Islam in Pakistani politics as a cementing factor against internal
divisions (Rajan and Ganguly 1982: 113).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Addressing the agitating crowd in Dhaka on 21 March 1948 he said:</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Have you forgotten the lesson that was taught to us thirteen hundred
years ago?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Who were the original
inhabitants of Bengal-not those who are now living.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So what is the use of saying “we are
Bengalis, Sindhis, or Pathans, or Punjabis”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>No, we are Muslims.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Islam has
taught us this, and I think you will agree with me that whatever else you may
be and whatever you are, you are a Muslim.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>If I may point out, you are all outsiders here.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">(Jinnah 1963: 84)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Thus, again he set a trend.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Most of his successors did exactly what he
did and relied on Islam when challenged by problems that required political and
constitutional solutions. The spectre he unleashed grew into a Frankenstein
monster very soon with Jamaat-e-Islami spearheading Islamic revivalism in
Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Jamaat’s leader Maulana
Maududi, in fact, had opposed the creation of Pakistan as “un-Islamic” on the
ground that ascribing different nationalities to Muslims of the world was
against Islamic values as the religion Holy Prophet preached considered all
Muslims as citizens of one nation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He,
however, chose to migrate to Pakistan on its creation and began opposing
Jinnah’s initial secular talk.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>To him
and his followers, it was a sin to talk of secularism and equality of all
religions in a country created in the name of Islam and for Muslims.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So, when they began their determined
campaign to purify Pakistan of all its un-Islamic influence, the first victim
was, ironically, the creator of Pakistan himself.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In this way, the Orwellian double-speak with
regard to secularism and Islam Jinnah had adopted to create Pakistan made him
irrelevant in the state he created before he was consumed by consumption and
cancer barely one year after it came into being.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>His tactics worked in pre-1947 India but,
failed miserably in Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
Pakistan Constituent Assembly attempted to define both the state and the idea
of Pakistan in the Objective Resolution it adopted in 1949.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>According to this Resolution Pakistan “was
to be a federal, democratic, and Islamic entity, but there was no mention
whatsoever of a secular Muslim life, a secularized Islam, or even the term
`secular’ ” (Cohen 2006: 57).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is this
Resolution that had guided Pakistan all these years, not the speech Jinnah
delivered in the Constituent Assembly on 11 August 1947.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The activities of Maulana Maududi and his followers
created worst anti-Ahmadiya riots in the Punjab in 1953 that brought the Army
into action in Lahore.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pakistan
officially became an Islamic Republic with the promulgation of its first
constitution in 1956 and there was relative calm for more than two decades as
the country grappled with more serious problems like provincialism that
threatened its very survival.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Islamization came back in a big way in what was left of Pakistan in the
1970s.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ironically it was the civilian
prime minister, Z. A. Bhutto who in 1974 implemented three of the long-standing
demands of the Islamists; banned alcohol, converted Friday in the place of
Sunday as official holiday and, declared the Ahmadiyas as non Muslims.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He, like Jinnah, was a non-practicing Muslim<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn11" name="_ednref11" style="mso-endnote-id: edn11;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[11]</span></span></span></span></a>
and turned to Islamists for support when the combined opposition challenged his
authority following his victory in the rigged elections of March 1977.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Bhutto’s approach was elevated to the level
of a state policy by Zia-ul-Haq who usurped power from him in a coup in July
1977.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By promulgating the Hudood
Ordinance which made several Islamic practices mandatory and imposed severe
restriction on women and their status in society, allowing religious schools or
Madrasas to come up in thousands all over the county, he hastened the process
of Islamization in Pakistan and earned the distinction as “Soldier of
Islam.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He defended his actions
vehemently saying: “Pakistan which was created in the name of Islam will
continue to survive only if it sticks to Islam.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>That is why I consider the introduction of [an] Islamic system as an
essential prerequisite for the country” (Talbot 2000: 196).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He also declared that preservation of the
ideology of Pakistan and the Islamic character of the country was “as important
as the security of the country’s geographical boundaries” (Ibid: 201).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">As far as the third “A” i.e. America is concerned, the
process of taking Pakistan closer to US also began by Jinnah himself and he did
it even before Pakistan came to existence as an independent state.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although, Britain initiated the process of
creating Pakistan for its strategic needs in Asia, its power and position in
global politics weakened, a process hastened by the Second World War, before
its “Pakistan Scheme” reached its logical end.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This made Jinnah search for alternative, a dependable foreign patron
with money who could assume the mantle of patronage of the Muslim nation as its
emergence became imminent by early 1947. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>An assessment the US State Department made with
inputs and reports from New Delhi based American mission to US Secretary of
State on 2 May 1947 reveals Jinnah’s mind:</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">On 1 May Mohammed Ali Jinnah, Leader of the Muslim League, received two
American visitors at his Bombay residence. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They were Raymond A. Hare, Head of the
Division of South Asian Affairs, Department of State, and Thomas E. Weil,
Second Secretary of the US Embassy in India. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Jinnah asserted that under no circumstances
would he accept the concept of an Indian Union since the Muslim League was
determined to establish Pakistan. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He
sought to impress on his visitors that the emergence of an independent,
sovereign Pakistan would be in consonance with American interests. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pakistan would be a Muslim country, Muslim
countries would stand together against Russian aggression. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In that endeavour they would look to the
United States for assistance, he added. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Jinnah
coupled the danger of ‘Russian aggression’ with another menace that Muslim
nations might confront. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That was ‘Hindu
imperialism’. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The establishment of
Pakistan was essential to prevent the expansion of Hindu imperialism into the
Middle East, he emphasised.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 6.5pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 72.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: right; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">(Foreign Relations </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">1972: 154–55)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">It is clearly evident that Jinnah had analysed the
prevailing international scenario in 1947, grasped US need to possess
dependable allies in its campaign against Soviet expansionism in the Balkans
and the Middle East, and planned to turn it into Pakistan’s advantage.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Once Pakistan was created, however, his
attention changed, rather expanded, to include his desire for personal material
benefit as well.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Paul H. Alling, first
US ambassador to Pakistan reveals, in his report to the then Secretary of State
John Marshall on 22 March 1948, a rather unusual portrait of Jinnah.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>According to Alling, he was invited for a
picnic with Jinnah and his sister Fatima.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Assuming that important matters of state might be discussed, Alling
prepared himself as best he could.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Discussion went otherwise.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Jinnah
and his sister probed the possibility of selling their house “Flagstap” to the
US mission.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the words of Alling:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 10.0pt; margin-left: 72.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Both he and his sister...
inquired whether we were interested in their house “Flagstap” which he had told
me a few days previously was available for purchase.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I explained that our negotiations for the
purchase of an Ambassador’s house... had progressed so far... that it had
proved impossible to withdraw.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">He then asked if “Flagstap” would not be suitable for the use of other
personnel of the Embassy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In reply I
said that we had, of course explored that possibility but that our building
expert felt he could not justify the purchase of such an extensive property for
any of the subordinate personnel.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I
added that actually we were interested only in purchasing a few small houses or
flats whereupon he said he would send us details of one or two such
properties.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I could sense, however, that
Mr. Jinnah and his sister were disappointed that we had been unable to purchase
“Flagstap.”</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">(Ali 2008: 41-42)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Sadly, it was not a good beginning and `Flagstapping,’<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn12" name="_ednref12" style="mso-endnote-id: edn12;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[12]</span></span></span></span></a>
meaning turning ‘American connection’ for personal benefit, became rampant
among politicians and senior army personnel when after the end of the brief
Jinnah – Liaquat era<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn13" name="_ednref13" style="mso-endnote-id: edn13;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[13]</span></span></span></span></a> a
transfer of power occurred within Pakistan from the “Indian Muslims” to the “pro-US,
pro-military” bureaucrats and the first among them was Ghulam Mohammed who
headed the country as its third governor general during 1951-55 (Burki 1986:
48). <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In fact, Ghulam Mohammed and,
Iskander Mirza who succeeded the former as the country’s fourth head of state,
had been in contact with the US government since Pakistan came into being and,
actively seeking for developing a Pakistan-US alignment against India and the Soviet
Union.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was Ghulam Mohammed’s concept
that massive dependence on the US was necessary to meet the “administrative
expenses” of Pakistan, especially in the “field of defence” (Venkataramani
1982: 16). <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Iskander Mirza was regarded
as reliable and co-operative by US officials (Ibid: 144).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ghulam Mohammad-Iskander Mirza duo’s attempts
were successful when Washington made a decision to develop strategic ties with
Pakistan to ‘contain’ India in September 1949, a month before the Indian
premier Jawaharlal Nehru’s visit to the US capital.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>With this, the US had replaced Britain as Pakistan’s
main foreign patron.</span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Elite
Interests</span></u></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Following their success in achieving Pakistan without
a politicized mass base, struggle and sacrifice, and instead, with active
support from the ruling foreign power, Pakistani rulers continued to rely upon
foreign powers and domestic elite for support while formulating their domestic
and foreign policies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Jinnah was a
stranger in West Pakistan, nor did his party have any strong base there before
1947.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This led him to simply confirm
provincial landlords, feudal chiefs in power as representatives of his party
there.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The result was that Muslim
League, the party that spearheaded the Pakistan movement in India with
considerable mass support, failed to acquire a mass base in West Pakistan and
what remains as Pakistan today, and consequently the ruling elite in Pakistan
never possessed a reliable political party capable of controlling the masses.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Jinnah was surrounded by “swarm of young men”
that were in the habit of talking of a “new spirit” without ever being able to
explain what it meant (Ali, 2008: 35). <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus the Muslim League soon became a “church
of corrupt and quarrelsome caciques” who discredited it permanently. (Ibid:
43).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Muslim League’s support base
was limited to only the elite who bothered more about their well-being rather
than the state. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The League’s condition
during those days, in the words of Chaudhri Mohammad Ali, Pakistan’s fourth
prime minister was:</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The pillars of society, the landlords, the well-to-do lawyers, the rich
businessmen, and the titled gentry were its main support.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>With some exceptions, they were not men noted
for their total commitment to any cause.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Their willingness to sacrifice their personal interests or comfort for
the sake of the nation was often in doubt.</span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 72.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: right; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">(Ali 1967: 371)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The League failed to provide effective political
leadership to Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The new nation’s
first generation of politicians was inexperienced and unable to face the
daunting challenges of the new nation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>About them, Ata Rabbani, Jinnah’s aid d’ camp writes:</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">...our senior politicians had little experience of the running of a
government for they had spent most of their lives criticising governments in
power.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Now saddled with the
responsibility they took the easy way out.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Instead of applying themselves to the task and working hard to learn the
ropes they relied on the adivice of senior bureaucrats.</span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 72.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: right; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Rabbani 1996:
142)</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Because of the inability of
the politicians, the power, as explained by Rabbani, inexorably slipped into
the hands of Pakistan’s small cadre of highly educated civil servants, the only
people capable of delivering any semblance of governance during the initial
chaotic years.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>J</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">innah, being scornful towards the politicians, too
recognized the central place of the bureaucracy in the administrative,
political, and economic life of Pakistan, a policy continued by his successors.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pakistan was thus from the very beginning
“firmly dominated by its civilian bureaucracy and the army, both of which had
faithfully served the British” and they exercised “political paramountcy” in
Pakistan (Ali 2008: 43).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The CSP (Civil
Service of Pakistan) comprised a closed oligarchy of five hundred functionaries
commanding the state (Ibid.).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Both
Ghulam Mohammad and Iskamder Mirza were co-opted directly from its ranks.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Thus, the Pakistani elites, both the politicians and
bureaucrats, inherited and adopted the British colonial model of administration
with a strong authoritative executive. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This
filled the power vacuum, created by the withdrawal of British colonial power, at
the top but failed to address the issues concerning the masses- political,
economic and social change that would bring empowerment of the masses, in other
words, democracy.</span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">The Army</span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Pakistan has been under military rule for more than half of its
existence so far. Authoritarianism which the military rule symbolises can be
traced to the attitudes and approaches of the initial leadership.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Jinnah’s authoritarian and autocratic
approaches were continued by his successors with the possible exception of his
immediate successor Khwaja Nazimuddin, a Bengali with a soft nature.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He was, in fact, a puppet in the hands of
Ghulam Mohammad who relegated him to the position of prime minister and assumed
the governor-generalship himself in October 1951.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Ghulam Mohammad and his successor Iskander Mirza
demonstrated least tolerance for opposition and brazenly abused their powers as
governor general and president. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In 1953,
Ghulam Mohammad set an unfortunate precedent when he dismissed Khwaja
Nazimuddin’s government citing its failure to resolve the difficulties facing
the country and installed Mohammad Ali Bogra.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>When Bogra tried to limit the governor general’s powers Ghulam Mohammad
dismissed him too. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ministries came and
went.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There were seven prime ministers
in as many years during 1951-58 i.e. regimes of Ghulam Mohammad and Iskander
Mirza.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Both had scant regard for the
parliament and were “shocked by what they regarded as the corruption,
selfishness, opportunism and disloyalty of the politicians in public office”
(Wilber 1964: 126).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They were also ‘in
close touch with commanders of the armed forces, and when they faced tests of
strength with the politicians, believed that the army would intervene on their
side to assure public order and stability” (Ibid.). <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus, they manipulated the token
parliamentarism to such an extent that they not only discredited it but also
discredited the very concept of civilian rule itself and set the stage for
military takeover which did happen in 1958. <span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;"></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Because of all these, army became increasingly
involved in political decisions and it delivered where civilian administration
failed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was frequently called upon to
fulfil functions like maintaining law and order which normally was the
responsibility of police.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When Lahore
witnessed anti-Ahmadiya riots in 1953, General Azam Khan restored order swiftly
and the army soon became the only organization in the country capable of maintaining
law and order.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Moreover, General Azam
Khan’s “Cleaner Lahore Campaign” too became highly popular among the people of
the metropolis, the cultural capital of Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By asking the army to manage a political
crisis the civilian regimes undermined their own authority.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus, the Ghulam Mohammed-Iskander Mirza duo
paved the way for General Ayub Khan’s military coup in 1958 which surprised
few.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thereafter it did not take long for
the army to grow into the biggest and most organized political player in
Pakistan.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">All these factors -authoritarianism, dragging religion
to solve social political and economic problems, placing power in the hands of
the elite, allowing army to occupy centre stage in country’s politics and,
playing client to external powers created a condition in Pakistan that was not
conducive for the growth of democracy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>In other words, the political culture that evolved in Pakistan has been
anti-democratic.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">POLITICAL CULTURE IN PAKISTAN</span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The consequence of the attitudes and approaches
adopted by the initial leaders and bureaucrats towards politics in Pakistan,
dealt with in the previous pages, was two-fold: one, haunting structural
dilemma in organizing internal power relationships and, second, failure to find
a stable and legitimate basis for political and constitutional arrangements in
a nascent nation which was struggling to have an identity not only of its own
but also markedly, if not totally, different from that of India.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn14" name="_ednref14" style="mso-endnote-id: edn14;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[14]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the process, the “Indian Muslims” who
created Pakistan were marginalized gradually and replaced by local or
“Pakistani” elite.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>With this, the
secular tendencies the founders of Pakistan adopted during their formative
years in the pluralistic society of `Hindu’ India and brought to Pakistan in
1947 were the first casualty.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In their
place came the feudal values like the patron-client relationship based on
centuries-old religious and social practices with which the local elites were <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">comfortable</i> in a predominantly agrarian
Muslim society and, they became the driving forces of Pakistan’s domestic politics
in the years to come.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They were freely
adopted not only to organize power relationships at both provincial and central
levels but also to advance the economic well-being of the dominant elite groups
(Callard 1959: 27-36).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>After this, it
did not take long for personal aggrandizement and autocratic rule to become the
hallmarks of Pakistani politics and they brought about infighting among members
of Pakistani elites irrespective of their credentials -military or
otherwise.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These constant struggles for
power with its accompanied features of backstabbing, deceit, and intrigue never
allowed a particular political ideology or practice to become the guiding
principle.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Nor did it allow any
political personality or personalities to become trend setters and show a
particular path to the future generation of leadership to follow.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Leaders were scorned at and consigned to the
dustbin of history the moment they left office.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>They didn’t become icons and national heroes and help develop a
Pakistani nationalism or identity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Consequently, the post-1947 generation in Pakistan groped in the dark
searching for its national identity and finally found past Muslim glories and
reactionary religious traditions as reservoirs of stimulants for Pakistan’s nationalist
conceptions, and successive generations in Pakistan have been doing exactly
that.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn15" name="_ednref15" style="mso-endnote-id: edn15;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[15]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Having failed to produce its own national heroes,
Pakistan, tragically, looks at foreign military heroes like Mohammad Ghazni,
Mohammad Ghori and Ahmad Shah Abdali as its own heroes, and Pakistani missile
directed at India are named after these warriors.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The historical fact is that these Afghan
warriors of yester centuries did not differentiate between what are now India
and Pakistan when they raided the lands south of the Khyber.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This speaks volumes about the flight path
nation-building has taken in Pakistan.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">There are other negative trends that emerged in
Pakistan and hindered the process of democratization and helped strengthen
authoritarianism further.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Anti-majority
or rejection of majority voice is one such and it was so deeply ingrained in
the psyche of the Muslim League and supporters of Pakistan movement that they
could not shed it off even after achieving Pakistan, and this tendency
continued unabated much to the detriment of the state and its people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was displayed in an extremely unabashed
manner when the issue of choosing an official language for Pakistan came up in
early 1950s.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Despite the fact that
majority of Pakistanis, about sixty percent of the total population, lived in
East Pakistan and spoke Bengali, a forceful attempt was made to impose Urdu on
them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Bengalis, unlike any other
linguistic group of West Pakistan, resolutely refused to permit any downgrading
of their language.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That was the beginning
of East – West divide.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The minority West
which controlled military, bureaucracy and political leadership treated the
majority East as a colony and resorted to its economic exploitation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus, the majority was prevented from playing
a role in the national life of the new state and determining its future.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The result was, Pakistan’s future became
bleak and it split into two in violent upheaval in 1971.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Even electoral verdicts and majority parties’ right to
government formation were seldom respected in Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The popular verdict accorded in favour of
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Awami League in the first ever general elections
conducted in December 1970 was not respected by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and the
military ruler General Yahya Khan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Instead, they resorted to military means to violently crush Bengalis’
legitimate right to form the government at the centre.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Six years later, Bhutto found himself at the
receiving end when the opposition parties and the Army refused to accept his
PPP’s victory in the general elections of 1977.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>A decade later, his daughter Benazir Bhutto and her political adversary
Nawaz Sharif of Pakistan Muslim League suffered the same fate repeatedly when
the governments they established with popular mandates were initially respected
but dismissed after a while by the presidents again and again.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This political farce continued for a whole
decade till General Parvez Musharraf staged a coup and seized power in October
1999.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The present post-Musharraf era too
continues to be dominated by the Army albeit it wields power indirectly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In this way, the Army has continuously
refused to play apolitical role.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus,
anti-majority theme has become a central feature of Pakistan’s political
culture since its inception and it has been dominating Pakistani elite thinking
ever since.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Another notable negative aspect of Pakistani political
culture has been the undemocratic mode of transfer of power and it has been
dominated by intrigue.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the words of
Indian diplomat S. K. Singh: “State power in Pakistan has all along been
attended by Machiavellian intrigue and violence, resembling curiously all that
had followed in Arabia after the death of the Prophet, when violence attended
all but one of the Caliphs who succeeded the Prophet. (Singh 2003: 14).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Almost all governments of Pakistan -both
civilian and military- have been sent out of power unceremoniously either by
dismissal or toppling by military generals.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn16" name="_ednref16" style="mso-endnote-id: edn16;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[16]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Liaquat Ali Khan, the first prime minister was
assassinated in 1951 while addressing a rally, a murder which has not been
solved.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The speculation is that he died
at the order of Ghulam Mohammed (Venkataramai 1982: 190-82).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The man who shot Liaquat Ali Khan was himself
shot dead by a police officer, and the plane carrying the forensic samples from
Rawalpindi to Karachi blew up in mid-air and with that crucial evidences were
lost.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The case of Zia is similar.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although he died in a plane crash it is
widely speculated that it was an act of sabotage.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A crate of mangoes loaded into the plane at
the last moment is suspected to have contained explosives.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Z. A. Bhutto’s end came through execution on
controversial grounds.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>About two decades
later Nawaz Sharif faced similar fate but escaped gallows by Saudi
intervention.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Proper treatment of leaders after they demit their
offices is an important value civilization has taught Mankind and it reflects
the culture a nation has evolved over centuries of historical experience.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>To quote diplomat S. K. Singh again:</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">While assessing the resilience and durability of new sovereign states,
historians and political scientists often make a review of the way their
peoples have accorded respect or otherwise to the heroes and founders of such
new states and nations; those who had wielded the supreme or sovereign state power
during the early days of their existence.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">An analytical review of the story of the early decades of a new state
indicates a great deal about the character, idealism and ideology of its
people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Studies of post-1776 USA, or
post-1917 Soviet Union, or of the leaderships of post-colonial Indonesia,
India, Nigeria and Ghana have provided an assessment of the future of these
nations, especially the principles and philosophy that motivated the founding
fathers, the intrinsic national character and grit of those who followed these
early leaders and the ethical values and human attitudes of the societies that
emerged as nation states.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">(Singh 2003: 9)</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Even in this count Pakistan fairs poorly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Treatment of leaders who lost power and
position in Pakistan has not been worth emulating.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The first thing Ayub Khan did following the
coup he enacted in 1958 was to put deposed president, Iskander Mirza into a
waiting plane and sending him to London with a one way ticket.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Shortly after this, former prime minister, H.
S. Suhrawardy fled to Beirut where he was murdered under mysterious
circumstances.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is alleged that the
act of murder was carried by Ayub Khan’s intelligence personnel on his
order.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>About half a century later,
former prime minister, Benazir Bhutto was assassinated while addressing an
election rally in Rawalpindi and it has not been convincingly solved yet.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Ethnicity-based
provincialism is another negative feature of Pakistani politics.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"> raised its ugly head rather early, during Jinnah’s life-time itself. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He recognized from the beginning and “knew
better than anyone else that the greatest threat to Pakistan’s survival would
be internal not external’ (Jalal 1985: 50)</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 9.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He advised his countrymen against this
on 21 March 1948 during his first and last visit to Dhaka:</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">You belong to a nation now; you have now carved out a territory, vast
territory, it is all yours.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It does not
belong to a Punjabi, or a Sindhi, or a Pathan, or a Bengali; it is yours.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You have your central government where
several units are represented.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Therefore, if you want to build yourself into a nation, for God’s sake,
give up this provincialism.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">(Jinnah 1963: 84)</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">His appeal was in vain.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Divisive tendencies gained firmer ground in
East Pakistan as, along with the language issue, by the mid-1950s, the Punjab
and feudally dominated Pakistani civil and military elites began depriving the
Bengalis of their economic and political rights.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The result was the 1971 war and dismemberment
of Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Later, other ethnic
minorities in the remnant of Pakistan began to highlight the domination by
Punjabis in the national affairs and <span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">the
f</span>ive sub-nationalities of Punjabis, Sindis, Baluchis, Pathans and
Mohajirs (Muslims migrated from India during Partition) are at constant odds
since then.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The et<span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">hnic and regional sub-nationalist forces with
competitive interests and</span> images of the future are constantly
threatening the survival of Pakistan.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn17" name="_ednref17" style="mso-endnote-id: edn17;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[17]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">As far as army occupying the centre-stage in Pakistani
politics is concerned, it is true that the army delivered where civilian
administration failed and many Pakistanis prefer army rule for civilian leaders
who, right from Ghulam Mohammad to present Asif Ali Zardari, are known for
brazen corruption.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Popular opposition to
military rule is least and, in other words, general public have been
indifferent towards civilian regimes toppled by the army.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They did not express any visible opposition
even to Bhutto’s execution by the Zia regime.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But the problem of the army is that it is too big for Pakistan’s
political needs and too small to manage hostile neighbours.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This sense of insecurity the army possesses
makes it vulnerable to any extra-regional power’s overtures to expand its own
strategic interests in the region.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This
explains the ease with which the US and China have been successful in
maintaining continued military influence in the South Asian region.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The process, on the other hand, has led to
Pakistan Army overly dependent on these two countries for military capability
and political ideas, and in turn willingly working as their client.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The feudal value of client-patron
relationship which is ingrained in Pakistani thinking is thus extended to
Pakistan’s foreign policy as well.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is
an established practice that a feudal lord treats one below him as client and
demands complete loyalty on one hand, accepts the one above him as patron on
the other and extends similar loyalty.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Pakistan Army behaves as feudal lord within the country and acts like a
client in foreign relations where it is the client and, the US and China are
the patrons.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This client-patron approach
had its own toll on Pakistan’s foreign policy decision-making and it<span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;"> “was never to be a question of objectively
evaluating Pakistan’s real needs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As in
the case of its British predecessor, U. S. interests were paramount.” (Ali 2008:
32).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This needs some elaboration as it
has tremendous bearing on what ails Pakistan today.</span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Washington enlisted Islamabad as an important cog in
its global strategy against the Soviet Union.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The Ayub Khan Regime allowed the US to establish a top-secret base at
Badaber near Peshawar in 1959 from where, in May 1960, the U-2 spy plane took
off, flew over the Soviet territories till the Russians chose to down it.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">It was Pakistan’s geography, as in the case of
Anglo-Russian rivalry decades ago, that guided US policy towards Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The utility of Pakistan’s location came to
the fore in a big way in 1979 when Soviet troops entered neighbouring
Afghanistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN;">The US covert involvement in Afghanistan, in fact,
began five months after the Iranian revolution of February 1979. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Establishment of anti-American Islamic regime in
Tehran played a major role in hardening American stand on Afghanistan where
communist infightings had considerably weakened Moscow’s influence much to the
concern of Kremlin.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Washington initiated
its secret aid to anti-communist and anti-Soviet elements in Afghanistan in
July 1979 five months before the actual entry of Soviet troops into that
country. (Mamdani 2004: 123-24).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
Carter and Reagan Administrations supported the Afghan Mujhahideens openly and
massively throughout the eight years of Soviet military presence there.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Interestingly, contrary to its support to
secular Iraq against fundamentalist Iran, here in Afghanistan, Washington chose
to support Islamic resistance movement against the Soviet Union for the simple
reason that these Mujhahideens were regarded as an effective barrier to prevent
Moscow’s attempted expansion towards the Indian Ocean in order to fulfil
Russia’s age old dream of acquiring a warm water port.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>It is
a historical fact that Imperial Russia indeed tried to move, first, towards
Mediterranean Sea at the cost of the Ottoman Empire and later, when failed
because of strong British and French support to Turkey, towards Persian Gulf
and Arabian Sea during the second half of the 19<sup>th</sup> Century.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They were, however, effectively prevented by
the British through a series of moves that involved less force and more
diplomacy (Premashekhara 2008: 22).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Moscow’s recent attempt to advance towards the eastern Mediterranean
through Dardanelles in 1946-47 failed miserably as Truman Administration
reacted forcefully.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn18" name="_ednref18" style="mso-endnote-id: edn18;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[18]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Against these historical experiences and
present geopolitical and geo-strategic realities, it was unlikely for Moscow to
attempt again given the massive US presence in the Indian Ocean region.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The odds against Soviet Union in 1979 were
far greater than what they were in the 19<sup>th</sup> Century and late 1940s.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN;">Fiercely nationalist and anti-communist Khomeini’s
Iran was not going to allow Moscow’s expansion towards the Persian Gulf.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The only other route left for Soviet Union
was towards the Arabian Sea via Baluchistan province of Pakistan which was an
impassable path given US clout in that South Asian country and American
military strength present in the Indian Ocean region.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The ailing Soviet economy was not capable of
overcoming US resistance should Kremlin attempted to cross the Durand
Line.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In fact, Kremlin threatened to
attack Pakistan only when the US attempted to extend anti-Soviet Islamic
guerrilla war from Afghanistan into the Soviet Central Asian Republics of
Tajikistan and Uzbekistan (ibid: 129).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>It was an act of self-defence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Notwithstanding these facts, Washington adopted Pakistan as its
frontline ally in the Afghan war and committed nearly $ 7 billion in military and
economic aid to Islamabad between 1981 and 1988 (Weaver 2002: 59).<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn19" name="_ednref19" style="mso-endnote-id: edn19;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[19]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Consequently, Afghanistan became Soviet
Union’s Vietnam as predicted by Zbigniew Brzezinski, Carter Adminstration’s
national security adviser (Woodward 1987: 78-79).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Moscow suffered setbacks and withdrew its
forces from that country after more than eight years of war.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Whenever
Afghanistan became geo-strategically important for the West, Pakistan, or the
territory where it is located in, invariably assumed tremendous
importance.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When Czarist Russian forces
marched into Central Asia in late 19<sup>th</sup> Century, Britain, the then
supreme military power in the region took all means to prevent Russian
dominance in and around the Pamirs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
British Indian army marched into the tribal areas of what later came to be known
as “North West Frontier Province” (NWFP) and annexed the same to the Indian
Empire.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Competing with the Russians in
what was described as the “Great Game,” the British even attempted in vain to
establish control over southern Afghanistan, and when failed, followed the path
of diplomacy and convinced the rulers of Kabul to maintain neutrality between
Russia and Britain (Woodman 1969: 47-107).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Further, London initiated series of negotiations with the Russians which
finally culminated in the signing of the “Anglo-Russian Convention” in 1907 thereby
getting Moscow’s commitment to a buffer Afghanistan (Premashekhara 2008: 22).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Afghanistan
assumed significance once again to the West now represented by the US when the
Soviet influence in that country, political and economic initially and shortly
afterwards military, increased following the communist Spring Revolution of
April 1978.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As it happened eight to nine
decades ago, the southern frontiers of Afghanistan assumed great geo-strategic
importance and the US moved into Pakistan which possessed NWFP following the
political developments in the Indian Subcontinent in 1947.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This happened after a brief period of
chillness in the US – Pakistan relations.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Following
the thaw in the superpowers relations in the 1970s, Pakistan’s strategic
importance to the US reduced considerably.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Moreover, disturbed by the military takeover in Islamabad in July 1977
and the subsequent execution of former prime minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto,
Washington had distanced itself from Pakistan, its erstwhile Cold War ally in
Asia.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But the entry of Soviet forces
into Afghanistan instantly brought back the strategic importance Pakistan had
lost a few years earlier.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>NWFP became
the scene of hectic activities with Pakistan and the US using that territory as
training field and transit route for Afghan guerrillas fighting the Soviet
forces.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As it has been already
mentioned, Pakistan became a “Frontline State” in US strategy against the
Soviets in Asia and received huge economic and military aid from
Washington.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Interestingly, the major
component of military hardware to Pakistan was the sophisticated F-16 fighter
planes which had no use either for the Afghan guerrillas or for the Pakistani
army in its ‘anticipated’ fight with the Russians in the rugged mountains of
NWFP.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Pakistani army never faced
such an eventuality as the Soviets never had any serious plan of crossing the
Durand Line.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It’s now well established
that Islamabad used its sudden elevation to the position of a strategic partner
in US game plan to enhance its fire power against India with Washington’s
active encouragement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus it was the
developments in Afghanistan that helped Pakistan to get closer to the US again
and achieve its own hidden agenda of not only gaining military parity with
India but also to undermine India’s stability by encouraging dissidence which
Islamabad did in Punjab for a substantial part of the decade of 1980s.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The
US turned cold towards Pakistan once again when the war in Afghanistan ended in
1988.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Shortly afterwards, Pakistan’s
strategic importance to the US dwindled greatly with the formal end of Cold
War.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The US literally abandoned Pakistan
and moved swiftly to establish greater economic ties with India which offered
great opportunities to the US following the economic liberalisation drive
initiated in 1991-92.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>US military aid to
Pakistan ended and the economic aid dipped to the low.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Joint exercises involving Indian and American
forces that were unheard of during Cold War era became regular in the
1990s.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Clinton Administration was categorical
in expressing its disapproval of Pakistan’s Kargil misadventure in May-June
1999 and successfully exerted pressure on Islamabad to withdraw its forces and
honour the sanctity of Line of Actual (LOC) thereby supporting Indian position
on the crisis.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Washington further
distanced itself from Islamabad when General Parvez Mushsrraf seized power by
overthrowing the democratically elected Nawaz Shariff government in October
1999.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At this moment of Pakistan’s
reduced importance, Afghanistan came to its rescue again as it did during
1979-80.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The 9/11 events and the alleged
presence of its perpetrators in Afghanistan turned Washington’s attention
towards that country once again.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>US Air
Force was in action in Afghanistan within a month and Washington, to fight its
war in that mountainous country, once again chose Pakistan as an ally.<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span> In all these cases it has been geography that
has favoured Pakistan.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn20" name="_ednref20" style="mso-endnote-id: edn20;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[20]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN;">Washington was forced to opt for Pakistan as an ally
and Islamabad was, ironically, forced to fight Taliban which it had propped up
all these years.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There was reversal in
Washington’s Pakistan policy which prompted reversal in Islamabad’s Taliban
policy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Of late, Washington has not been
satisfied with Pakistan’s efforts to dismantle Taliban’s support bases in
NWFP.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Taliban, basically a Pushtu
speaking ethnic Pathan band, finds friends and allies in the NWFP which is also
a predominantly Pathan territory.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Media
is periodically abuzz with news about the presence of the remnants of Taliban
and Al Qaeda in the rugged mountains of the tribal areas of this Pakistani
province where Islamabad’s authority is being challenged again and again over
the last nine years.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Bickerings over
these issues is straining the relations between the two allies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>US missiles and drones periodically target
Taliban bases within Pakistani territory.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>One such attack sometimes in July 2008 either injured or killed Ayman
al-Zawahiri, Al Qaeda’s second highest leader and believed to be the mastermind
of 9/11 attacks (<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">New Indian Express</i> 3
August 2008).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Moreover, there are veiled
threats from Washington that its ground forces would enter Pakistan if
situation warranted.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pakistan finds
itself in an extremely discomfort position and this is what the Pakistani
leaders have achieved by accepting the US as patron for what mattered to
Washington most was not democratic Pakistan but a client Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the words of Stephen Philip Cohen:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 72.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN;">The American agenda was clear: a pro-Western Pakistan,
a stable Pakistan, a prosperous Pakistan, and a democratic Pakistan were all
desirable, but in that order.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When
democracy threatened to remove a leadership that was less than pro-American,
the U.S. Embassy conveyed this priority to Pakistanis and for decades got a
hearing-over the years the embassy, and most ambassadors, have been major
participants in the Pakistani political process, even when they did not seek
such influence.</span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 72.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; text-align: right;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN;">(Cohen 2006: 56-57)</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">CONCLUSION</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Six long decades have
elapsed since the dream of <i>Homeland for Indian Muslims</i> was realised;
that dream has now turned into a nightmare.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Pundits
contemplate branding Pakistan as a failed state.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Pakistan
has become <i>sick man of South Asia</i>.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Pakistan’s politics does not draw strength from
masses, so there is no democracy there. <span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Politicians, g</span>enerals and, civil
servants who have participated in Pakistan’s political affairs -domestic as
well as external- have been motivated by personal ambitions and sheer selfish
goals. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They came and went, gaining power
through fortunate circumstances, intrigue and, losing it because of weakness in
their character and power base. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They all
ignored their historical responsibility of reforming Pakistan’s political
system along democratic lines on long-term strategy. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The perennial bad governance has provided a
fertile ground for the growth of religious extremism and Pakistani Talibanis
are gaining ground in urban Pakistan as well as rural areas.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There are indications that, for the first
time in Pakistan’s history, there has emerged a movement involving the
masses.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This process, apart from raising
disturbing speculations about the future of the country, makes one wonder
whether this is the path the masses are taking to turn the table against those
who denied them a say in the nation’s affairs all these years.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The present ‘democratic’ regime of Zardari-Gilani
combine is gasping for breath, under constant danger of being either toppled by
the army or ravaged by religious extremist surge.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not many will shed tears if it really comes
down as many feel a strong military ruler will restore order in disorderly
Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The army, on its part, is
battling the religious extremists in the hills and gorges of the NWFP. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In such a delicate domestic situation, the US,
which distorted Islamabad’s foreign and military policies and impeded
Pakistan’s internal political development by supporting power elite and
military regimes with no mass base, is now threatening to send its troops into
Pakistani territory.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN;">Pakistan finds itself in an extremely discomfort
position.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN;">What went wrong?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Israr Ahmad, a tourist guide in Lahore, undoubtedly a man from the
masses, might possibly guide us to find answers:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 72.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">He [Musharraff] is good for the country, but not for democracy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He has fundamentalism under control.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The world does not realise how complex
Pakistani politics is.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Indira Gandhi did
a very good thing with the non-aligned movement, which is why Indian foreign
policy is sound.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>India knew that there
would be problems in Afghanistan because of the Taliban so it did not openly support
it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Our fault is that not only did we
align with the western bloc and become its puppet, but we also supported the
Taliban regime, we were with them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We
are simpletons.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>America that has all the
sophisticated equipments in the world, could not find WMDs, and it wants us to
go and look for Osama among 150 million people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Why should we look for him?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He is
not our problem.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We were not involved in
9/11.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Who knows, he must have shaved his
beard and must be doing some farming in Kabul.</span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 72.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: right; text-autospace: none; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">(Versey 2008: 272)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: center; text-autospace: none;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">NOTES</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div style="mso-element: endnote-list;">
<br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<div id="edn1" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref1" name="_edn1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> It has been British
policy in Europe and elsewhere to support weak powers against strong ones in
order to establish balance of power.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At
the same time in Pakistan’s case, London preferred it to be militarily weak so
that it would not hesitate to accept British dependency.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Such a `dependency’ was very much needed by
London to carry on<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>its “Great Game”
against the Russians in Central Asia and prevent them from reaching the Arabian
Sea.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn2" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref2" name="_edn2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[2]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;">Some excellent
works that deal with subject in divergent ways and together provide a wider and
balanced picture of the Partition are: Kaura, U., (1977): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Muslims and Indian Nationalism: The Emergence of the Demand for India’s
Partition, 1928-1940</i>, South Asia Books, New Delhi; Wolpert, Stanley (1984):
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Jinnah of Pakistan</i>, Oxford University
Press, New York; Jalal, Ayesha (1985): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the demand for Pakistan</i>,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge; Sarila, Narendra Singh (2009): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Shadow of the Great Game: The Untold
Story of India’s Partition</i>, HarperCollins Publishers India, New Delhi;
Godbole, Madhav<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2006): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Holocaust of Indian Partition: An
Inquest</i>, Rupa & Co., New Delhi.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn3" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref3" name="_edn3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> Arya Samaj and Hindu Mahasabha.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn4" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[4]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> This was the case
even after the League succeeded in creating Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The new nation’s first Prime Minister,
Liaquat Ali Khan, himself a member of the landed gentry of the United Province
made open statements that Muslims of Delhi and UP should stay where they were,
implying that there was no place in Pakistan for middle and lower middle class
Muslims.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>See: Ali, Tariq (2008), The
Duel: Pakistan on the Flight Path of American Power, Simon and Schuster,
London, p.30. </span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn5" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref5" name="_edn5" style="mso-endnote-id: edn5;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[5]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">This
was the topic of a frank discussion between Mohammad Iqbal, the author of the
“two nation theory” and Mohammad Mujeeb, former vice chancellor of Jamia Milia
Islamia University, New Delhi in 1935.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>While Iqbal stuck to the former viewpoint, Prof. Mujeeb, on the other
hand, recognized the latter, the principle, according to Prof. Mujeeb, Jamia
Milia was established with.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>See: Mujeeb,
Mohammad (2001), “The Partition of India in Retrospect” in Hasan, Mushirul
(2001): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">India’s Partition: Process,
Strategy and Mobilizaion</i>, Oxford University Press, New Delhi.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn6" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref6" name="_edn6" style="mso-endnote-id: edn6;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[6]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> While Jinnah was
hailed by the Muslim League as <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Qaid a
Azam</i>, Moududi of the Jamaat-e-Islam-i-Hind ridiculed him as <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Kafir e Azam</i>.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn7" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[7]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> Ayesha Jalal presents
a brilliant argument that he was not for partition and his demand for Pakistan
was just a bargaining chip he intended to use in his campaign to secure the
interests of Indian Muslims.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>See: Jalal,
Ayesha (1985): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Sole Spokesman:
Jinnah, the Muslim League and the demand for Pakistan</i>, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn8" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[8]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri;"> It was called “Gilgit Agency” during the British period and as “Northern Territories” under Pakistani rule and was under
the direct rule of Islamabad
till recently. However, these regions have been rechristened as “Gilgit –
Baltistan” and political processes to create a legislative body with members
elected by the people of the region are underway these days.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Interestingly, this region was and is not a
part of Azad Kashmir or Pakistan Occupied Kashmir or POK as it’s known in India.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn9" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref9" name="_edn9" style="mso-endnote-id: edn9;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[9]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> This is diligently
analyzed in Sarila, Narendra Singh (2009): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Shadow of the Great Game: The Untold Story of India’s Partition</i>, Harper
Collins Publishers, New Delhi.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn10" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref10" name="_edn10" style="mso-endnote-id: edn10;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[10]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 9.0pt;">Ghulam
Mohammed (1893–1956) was in official service of the British Indian Empire from
1923 to 1947; Finance Minister of Pakistan from 1947 to 1951; and
Governor-General of Pakistan from 1951 to 1955.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Iskander Mirza (1899–1969) joined the Indian Army in 1921 and was
selected for political service in 1926; was Defence Secretary of Pakistan in
1947; Minister for Home Affairs in 1954; Governor-General in 1955 and President
of Pakistan from 1956 to 1958.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn11" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[11]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> Like Jinnah he too
indulged in un-Islamic practices of drinking etc.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When ridiculed by the opposition about
implementing Islamic rules while being un-Islamic in personal life, he quipped:
“I drink wine, not anyone’s blood.”</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn12" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref12" name="_edn12" style="mso-endnote-id: edn12;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[12]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> I have borrowed this
word from London base Pakistani journalist Tariq Ali.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Ali,
Tariq (2008), The Duel: Pakistan on the Flight Path of American Power, Simon
& Schuster, London, p. 42.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn13" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref13" name="_edn13" style="mso-endnote-id: edn13;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[13]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> Jinnah died of cancer
and tuberculosis in September 1948 and Liaqat Ali Khan was assassinated in
October 1951.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn14" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[14]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">In
the words of<span style="color: black;"> novelist Salman Rushdie, who traces his
heritage back to both India and Pakistan, “to build Pakistan it was necessary
to cover up Indian history, to deny that Indian centuries lay just beneath the
surface.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>See: Rushdie, Salman (1983): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Shame</i>, Jonathan Cape, London, p. 87.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn15" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref15" name="_edn15" style="mso-endnote-id: edn15;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[15]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> For an excellent
analysis of Pakistan’s search for an identity through fabricated history, see
“Chapter 6” titled “History and Local Absence” in Ayres, Alyssa, (2009): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Speaking like a State: Language and
Nationalism in Pakistan</i>, Cambridge University Press, New Delhi, pp.
105-137.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn16" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref16" name="_edn16" style="mso-endnote-id: edn16;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[16]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> Liaqat Ali Khan, the
first prime minister was assassinated.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Feroz Khan Noon, Z. A. Bhutto and Nawaz Shariff were toppled in military
coups.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All other prime ministers were
dismissed by heads of state, governor general or president.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Shariff have the
dubious distinction of being dismissed twice.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn17" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref17" name="_edn17" style="mso-endnote-id: edn17;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[17]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> For details on the
various aspects of linguistic and regional nationalism in Pakistan, see: Ayres,
Alyssa, (2009): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Speaking like a State:
Language and Nationalism in Pakistan</i>, Cambridge University Press, New
Delhi.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn18" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[18]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> After succeeding in
communizing and establishing firm politico-military control over Eastern
European countries of Poland,
Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria
in the spring and summer of 1945, and inching towards the eastern Mediterranean
Sea, Moscow encouraged communist insurgencies in
Greece and Turkey which
were the final barrier between itself and the Sea.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Establishment of communist regimes in Athens and Ankara would
have given free access to Moscow to the
Mediterranean through Bosporus and Dardanelles.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Sensing the danger US interests would face in
eastern Mediterranean which was key to Washington’s
link to West Asia, should those waterways fell into Moscow’s
hand, President Harry S. Truman of the United States initiated firm moves
to nullify Soviet efforts with what has been described as “Truman
Doctrine.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He declared on 11 March 1947:
“I believe that it shall be the policy of the United States to support free
people who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by
external pressure.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Massive military and
economic assistance to the beleaguered regimes of Greece
and Turkey
were initiated and consequently the communist insurgents crushed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In fact, this was the beginning of US policy of
“containment” which eventually culminated in the creation of North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) two years later. </span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn19" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref19" name="_edn19" style="mso-endnote-id: edn19;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[19]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> Within days of Soviet
entry into Afghanistan, President Carter announced a $3.2 billion military aid
to Pakistan.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn20" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref20" name="_edn20" style="mso-endnote-id: edn20;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[20]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif";"> </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN;">In fact, when the US ‘identified’ its enemy and there were rumours of
American air strikes at suspected bases of Al Qaeda in Afghanistan, India voluntarily
came forward to offer its air base at Avantipur near Srinagar for use by US Air
Force.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Washington didn’t take this offer
and instead turned to Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though
this action of Washington was viewed as continuation of its traditional
pro-Pakistan policy and resented, in India, anyone with the minimum knowledge
of geography would easily understand the rationale behind the American
choice.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If Afghanistan bound US bombers
take off from any Indian air base, they are, invariably, forced to cross
Pakistani air space.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In such a situation
avoiding Pakistan in any war against Afghanistan would be impossible and
Pakistan obviously becomes indispensable for any extra-regional power that
targets Afghanistan from the south.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At
the same time, in any war against Afghanistan, Pakistan’s long border with that
country would serve as a suitable launching base and transit zone.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pakistan can be kept out of the war only at
the cost of losing all these advantages.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Thus Washington was forced to opt for Pakistan as an ally and Islamabad
was, ironically, forced to fight Taliban which it had propped up all these
years.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There was reversal in
Washington’s Pakistan policy which prompted reversal in Islamabad’s Taliban
policy.</span></div>
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ಪ್ರೇಮತಾಣhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04637584025392553280noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-696551711396069046.post-37463745267726174482014-03-19T13:01:00.001+05:302014-03-19T13:03:27.538+05:30THE THREE FRONTIERS THEORY AND INDIA’S TROUBLED RELATIONS WITH PAKISTAN AND CHINA<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<![endif]--><span style="font-size: large;">L. PREMASHEKHARA</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span lang="EN-US"></span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Abstract</span></i></b>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 36.0pt; margin-right: 36.0pt; margin-top: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">India</span></i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"> has been having troubled relations with Pakistan since
the very day of its emergence as an independent state over issues that are
ostensibly territorial in nature. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
Indo – Pakistan border and
the Line of Control (LOC) in Kashmir are
results of formal awards and agreements, and are clearly defined and
delineated.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Despite the reality being
so, both countries have not been able to establish friendly relations.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Acrimonious rhetoric, charges and counter
charges, and frequent skirmishes along the lines that separate them are common
among these two South Asian neighbours.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>On the other hand, the Sino – Indian border has not been formally agreed
upon and consequently is not defined and delineated on land.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Still both countries have not gone to war
ever since the de-facto Line of Actual Control (LAC) was established as a
result of the war of 1962.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There has
been relative peace all along the LAC and New Delhi
and Beijing
have entered into significant level of cooperation in various fields including
science, technology and trade.</span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 36.0pt; margin-right: 36.0pt; margin-top: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 36.0pt; margin-right: 36.0pt; margin-top: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">In this context, this study makes an attempt to
present a new hypothesis called the “Three Frontiers Theory” that emphasizes
the nature of the frontier and projects the same as the fundamental reason for,
troubled relations between India and Pakistan on one hand, and gracious ties
between India and China on the other.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This paper contains four parts. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
“The Three Frontiers Theory” and the author’s own classification of frontiers
are explained in the first part.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
second part makes an analysis of the historical background of the frontier
between India and Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The third part contains the application of
the “Three Frontiers Theory” to analyse the Indo-Pakistan relations and the
same is done in the case of Sino – Indian relations in the subsequent part.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Conclusion forms the final part.</span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">During the past six
decades of their existence as independent states India
and Pakistan
have fought three major wars and innumerable number of minor skirmishes all
along their long border.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mutual
distrust, deep animosity and rivalry in various fields ranging from nuclear
science to sports have marred the bilateral relations between these two South
Asian nations. Several scholarly attempts have been made to explain the
possible causes for the failure of these two nations to establish lasting
friendship.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The issue of religious
divide has been accepted as the fundamental cause for deep-seated hostility
between the two nations.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The roles
played by political parties and their leaders, men in uniforms, business
houses, and prevailing regional and international political scenarios also have
been cited as potential causes for the persisting problem between New Delhi and Islamabad.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The Sino – Indian
frontier erupted almost suddenly in mid–50s, led to acrimonious charges and
counter-charges, eventually culminating into the war of October – November 1960
that wounded India’s
pride.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>With this war China asserted
its military supremacy in the Himalayan region and established firm control
over Aksai Chin.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Bilateral negotiations
to end the border row began in 1980 and, during the past two decades, New Delhi
and Beijing have concluded, apart from the significant “Agreement on the
Maintenance of Peace and Tranquillity Along the Line of Actual Control in the
India - China Border” signed during the official visit of Prime Minister P. V.
Narasimha Rao to the Chinese capital in September 1993, several agreements to maintain
peace along this Line of Actual Control (LAC) and establish friendly relations.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All though the border issue remains
unresolved till date and raises its ugly head like a hydra once in a while as
it is happening these days following alleged Chinese incursions into areas
adjacent to the Kongka Pass in Ladakh and Beijing’s protests against Tibetan
spiritual leader Dalai Lama’s visit to Tawang monastery, it has not led these
two Asian giants into war since the end of the war of October – November 1962
and any future war is also remote.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Instead, these two Asian giants have taken their bilateral cooperation
to significant level in many fields, and interestingly, China has emerged as India’s biggest trading partner.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">In this context, this
study makes an attempt to present a new hypothesis called the “Three Frontiers
Theory” that emphasizes the nature of the frontier and projects the same as the
fundamental reason for, troubled relations between India
and Pakistan on one hand,
and gracious ties between India
and China
on the other.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This paper contains four
parts.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The “The Three Frontiers Theory”
and the author’s own classification of frontiers are explained in the first
part.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The second part makes an analysis
of the historical background of the frontier between India
and Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The third part contains the application of
the “Three Frontiers Theory” to analyse the Indo-Pakistan relations and the
same is done in the case of Sino – Indian relations in the subsequent part.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Conclusion forms the final part.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<h2 style="line-height: 200%; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 200%;">I</span></span></h2>
<h2 style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The Three Frontiers Theory classifies
the frontiers between the states of the world into three categories– i.
Single-edged frontiers, ii. Double-edged frontiers, and iii. Dull frontiers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Single-edged frontier is the one that gives
strategic advantage to one of the two states say State A.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Double-edged frontier provides strategic
advantage to both State A and State B.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The Dull frontier does not give any strategic advantage to either.</span></i></h2>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The frontier that
existed between and the boundary line that separated Germany
and France
during 1871 to 1919 was a very good example of single-edged frontiers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It provided considerable amount of strategic
advantage to the newly unified Germany
vis-à-vis France thereby
acting as a single-edged frontier in Germany’s favour.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There are innumerable examples for
double-edged frontiers and perhaps the most striking one is the Radcliffe Line
that separates India and Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This Line provides strategic advantage to
both countries thereby forcing the two to maintain constant vigil on each
other’s motives and moves.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The present Line
of Actual Control or the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">de-facto</i> boundary
between India and China is the
best example of dull frontiers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It
doesn’t provide any kind of strategic advantage to either and has eliminated
the usefulness of an armed conflict between the two neighbours ever since it
was created as a result of the border war of 1962.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">For the sake of
convenience the state that enjoys strategic advantage in case of a single-edged
frontier is referred to as<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> Ridge State</b>,
and the one that is deprived of that advantage as <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Valley</b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> State</b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">.</b><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This nomenclature has been coined on the basis of the general assumption
that one who positions himself on a ridge tends to possess advantage vis a vis
the one in the valley below.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the case
of a double-edged frontier, the two states on its either side can be called <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Plain States</b> since both of them are on
equal footing just like two contenders standing on an even surface enjoy
relatively equal amount of advantage among themselves.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Similarly, in the case of dull frontiers, the
states that lie on either side of that can be called as <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Canyon States</b> since a canyon hardly allows the two adversaries on
its either side to gain any advantage against one another.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These nomenclatures will be used throughout
this essay.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<h3 style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12.0pt; font-weight: normal; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Let us now examine the possible impact of these frontiers
on the bilateral relations between State A and State B.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the case of single-edged frontier in
favour of State A, the latter being the Ridge
State enjoys strategic advantage and
its attempts are usually directed at maintaining the statusquo as Germany
did during 1871 to 1914. On the other hand, state B, the Valley State,
possesses a sense of insecurity and nurtures a desire to convert the frontier
advantages to it or in other words single-edged in its favour.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>French attitude towards Germany during 1871 to 1914 is a
good example for this scenario.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
magnitude of State B’s sense of insecurity depends upon the linguistic,
religious, cultural, ethnic, and economic closeness or remoteness that exists
between itself and State A.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
intensity of its desire to convert the frontier is determined by its recent
history, national power, pressure groups and the level of their capability to
influence state policies, and mindset of leadership.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The economic clout, diplomatic influence and
the military might of its allies, if it has any, do also play significant roles
in shaping State B’s attitude towards the frontier and State A that lies
beyond.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The level of its sense of
insecurity and intensity of its desire to convert the frontier together
generate hostilities between the two states.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>State A’s effort to retain the strategic advantage it enjoys or in other
words keeping the frontier single-edged in its own favour and remain as a Ridge
State then shapes the further course of hostilities, and determines the pause
with which the hostilities lead to war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Depending upon the outcome of the war four different courses can be
visualized in the bilateral relations between the two states.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>First, if state B fails in its attempt it
will go back to square one, plans and prepares for one more attempt.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In that case one more round of military
showdown becomes a certainty.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Second, if
State B succeeds in converting the frontier single edged in its favour and
becomes a Ridge State then State A will initiate its own
preparations for annulling this outcome of the war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In this case also a show of strength will
become the logical outcome.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Third, if
the outcome of the war converts the frontier into a double-edged one providing
advantages to both the states and making them Plain States, then begins an era
of mutual distrust, suspicion of each other’s motives, constant watchfulness
and preparedness for war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>War will break
out as and when either of the two finds it convenient to beat the drum and the
other responds with action.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Fourth, if
the war results in the creation of a dull frontier that provides advantages to
neither of the states making them Canyon States then gradually begins an era of
mutual trust, friendship, and cooperation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This may bring the two closer to each other and they may establish some
sort of an economic union.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If the
success of that economic union is supported by ethnic, linguistic, religious
and cultural closeness, it may even encourage them to consider the idea of a
political union as well.</span></h3>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">History is replete with
countless examples of Valley States trying to become first Ridge States; and if
it is not possible, then one of the Canyon States.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Let’s now study some of such attempts that have
taken place in recent times.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The South American state of Chile’s
expansion into the north in the second half of the 19<sup>th</sup> Century is a
classic example of a state’s attempt to convert its frontiers into single-edged
in its favour (Chile –
Peruvian frontier) and also dull (Chile – Bolivian frontier).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Before the Pacific War of 1879-81 the
northern frontier of Chile
was lying far below the Atacama Desert.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Iquique and Arica that are now located in northern Chile were then parts of Peru.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Bolivia,
which is now a land-locked country, then enjoyed a strip of coastline with Antofagasta as its main
harbour.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Bolivia’s
presence in the north of Chile
was a cause of concern for the rulers in Santiago
because the former could threaten the northern plains of Chile anytime.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Chile’s
woes would greatly increase if Bolivia
and Peru
joined hands.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Such a development would
not only put the security of northern Chile
in jeopardy but also pose a serious challenge to Santiago’s
position in the Southern Pacific Ocean.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In order to remove all these threats and make
its northern areas safe Chile
initiated a successful campaign against its northern neighbours and when the
war ended two years later Bolivia
had been pushed beyond the Andes<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn1" name="_ednref1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[i]</span></span></span></span></a>
and Peru
the Atacama.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The frontier that was
established between Chile
and Bolivia
then has been a dull one.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The high Andes
became natural frontier between the two countries and took away from Bolivia
the strategic advantage it enjoyed earlier.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>As far as Peru was
concerned, the dry and inhospitable Atacama Desert that became the newly
accepted frontier made any future Peruvian campaign against Chile an impossible task.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While providing Chile
immunity from any Peruvian adventure the Atacama would permit Chile to threaten its northern
neighbour at will.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus Chile successfully converted its frontier with Bolivia from single-edged one against itself
into dull one and also created a single-edged frontier with Peru in its own favour.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These changes denied Bolivia any opportunity to threaten northern Chile either singly or jointly with Peru. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The expansion of the United States of America
in all directions except in the east, during the first century of its existence
as an independent republic, is another interesting example for a nation’s
desire to establish dull frontiers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
thirteen states that formed the Union following the successful War of
Independence didn’t have natural frontiers except the Atlantic
Ocean in the east.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The new
nation was surrounded by three of the great powers- British in the north,
French in the west, and Spanish in the south.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The Americans had plenty of reasons to be concerned about the security
of their young republic.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The British
apathy towards the US
was of common knowledge.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though Washington didn’t have any problems with Spain and France, the continuation of such
trouble-free relationship for an indefinite period was not ensured because of
the unpredictable nature of European power politics during that period of
uncertainty.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Any conflict in Europe involving
Britain, France and Spain
was likely to spill over into their North American possessions, and the danger
of the US
getting dragged into was always lurking in the minds of the American policy
makers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This threat was reduced to a
considerable extent when Napoleon’s France
was compelled to sell Louisiana to the US in
order to meet its war expenditure in 1800.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Washington also purchased Florida from Spain a couple of years later.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These two purchases increased the
geographical size of the US
manifold and also opened up the possibilities of further expansions into the west.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Within the next fifty years Washington annexed all the Indian
territories through various means.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn2" name="_ednref2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[ii]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Following the merger of Texas
into the Union and the Mexican War of 1846-48 the US
frontiers extended up to two natural limits- the Pacific Ocean in the west,
river Rio Grande<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn3" name="_ednref3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[iii]</span></span></span></span></a>
and the Nevada as well as Arizona deserts in the south and the
southwest.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus the US succeeded in adding two more
dull frontiers in the west and the south to the one already existed in the
east.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Still Britain
remained as a source of concern.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
British capability to undermine the security of the US and hurt the national pride of
the American nation was amply demonstrated during the war of 1812 when the
invading English army entered the American capital and set the presidential
palace on fire.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>However, no more
hostilities were witnessed in US-British relations after the Treaty of Ghent of
1816, and the border has remained quiet since.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The frontier between the US
and Canada
is indeed a double-edged one potent enough to be explosive.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>However, the linguistic, cultural and
economic closeness between the people of the two countries and the resulting
spirit of “Anglo-America” have given it the colour of a dull frontier.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus the US has successfully established
dull frontiers on three sides and converted the double-edged frontier in the
north into a dull one.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As a result the
US has not faced any threat from any of its neighbours since 1816 and enjoyed
freedom to concentrate on economic development, economic as well as
geographical expansion outside the North American continent; and also to
develop political and military power to meet threats that may emanate from
extra-regional powers.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The expansionist
attitude the US demonstrated
during the first hundred years of its existence encourages one to assume that
the British presence in Canada
discouraged the Americans from expanding towards the north.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They would certainly have extended their
northern frontiers up to the Arctic if Canada had been inhabited and
controlled only by the Indians and Eskimos.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The American leaders as well people were forced to be content with the
existence of double-edged turned dull frontier in the north.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although we don’t have a crystal ball to look
through, it can be safely assumed that it is highly unlikely that the people of
the US and Canada would convert the present
dull frontier into a double-edged one and initiate hostility.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On the contrary, if the present economic
closeness between the people of the two countries continues for some more time,
they may take it to further heights and establish a stronger economic union
among themselves.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In that case, the
economic union coupled with the existing linguistic and cultural closeness
among the people of the two North American giants (probably excluding the
French speaking Quebec)
may pave the way for political union as well sometimes in future.</span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-GB">II</span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Though the present
frontier between India and Pakistan was created in 1947 its historical roots
can be traced back to early 13<sup>th</sup> Century when the Delhi Sultanate,
the first ever Muslim kingdom in India was established by Qutb-ud-Din Aibak in
1206 A. D.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The western frontier of the
newly established Delhi Sultanate in the Punjab region ran along Lahore,
Dipalpur, Uch, Samana and Multan (referred to as <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Lahore-Multan Line</b> hereafter) due to the repeated raids of the
Mongols that left trans-Indus regions politically chaotic and outside Delhi’s
effective control most of the time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In
other words, the political frontier of India
in the northwest receded from the Hindukush to the banks of river Ravi in the
north and to the lower course of river Indus
in the south.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This Lahore
- Multan Line was not a defensible frontier at all since it ran almost in the
middle of the Indus plain.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The scientific boundary for the proper defence
of north-western India was
Kabul-Ghazni-Kandahar Line (referred to as <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Hindukush
Line</b> hereafter) that ran along the eastern slopes of the Hindukush Mountains.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn4" name="_ednref4" style="mso-endnote-id: edn4;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[iv]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Indian history bears testimony to the fact
that any invader from the Central Asian region who succeeded in crossing this
Hindukush Line and entered the Khyber Pass found it relatively easy to
establish his control over the Punjab plains.
The Mauryans especially Emperor Ashoka realized this and extended his authority
beyond Jalalabad in eastern Afghanistan in order to enable his army to
effectively counter and prevent any invading army from crossing the Khyber Pass
which acted as a gateway to the Punjab plains in particular and northern India
in general.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Punjab was subjected to
repeated raids by the Central Asian tribes and the Mongols whenever the narrow
strip of land lying between the Hindukush
Mountains and the Khyber
Pass (referred to as <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Hindukush–Khyber
Corridor</b> hereafter) fell out of the control of any North Indian
empire.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus for millennia the
Hindukush-Khyber Corridor played significant role in the defence of the Punjab plains.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It
is equally interesting to note that any power that controlled this piece of
land extended its sway over the Punjab with considerable ease; and the power
that controlled the Punjab extended its domination over Northern India –
Rajputana {present Rajasthan State} and the vast Gangetic plain sooner of later.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn5" name="_ednref5" style="mso-endnote-id: edn5;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[v]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Hence the successive rulers of northern India saw to it that the Hindukush-Khyber
Corridor remained in their hand, and if that was not possible, they preferred
it to be controlled by friendly powers that would act as buffers between
themselves and their potential adversaries from Central
Asia.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The importance of the
Hindukush–Khyber Corridor was first realized, as mentioned earlier, by the
Imperial Mauryas in the Third Century B.C.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Emperor Ashoka had understood the danger the Empire would face in case
this Corridor was to slip into the hands of the enemies when he was the
governor of Taxila (located in the northern part of present Pakistan).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He further strengthened his mastery over
this area when he became the emperor in 269 B. C., and the town of Jalalabad situated in present eastern Afghanistan served as an important
frontier outpost during his reign.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Following the decline and fall of the Mauryan Empire during the Second
Century B. C., however, this Hindukush-Khyber Corridor fell into and remained
in the hands of local chieftains for almost a century. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Under the early Kushans this Corridor was
located right in the middle of the empire.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn6" name="_ednref6" style="mso-endnote-id: edn6;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[vi]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The post-Kushan empires of northern India
somehow failed to realize the significance of this Corridor and consequently
paid dearly for this gross negligence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The Mongols repeatedly raided north-western India and their menace became a
regular feature till the advent of the Imperial Guptas.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Mongol continued to remain as a potential
source of threat to the security of Northwest India until the Gupta emperor
Chandragupta Vikramaditya repelled them in 6th Century A. D.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The Mongol menace once again became
serious in early 13<sup>th</sup> Century. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Chengiz Khan crossed the Khyber and entered
the Punjab plains in pursuit of the prince of Khwarizmian Empire, Jalal-ud-din
Mangbarni<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn7" name="_ednref7" style="mso-endnote-id: edn7;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[vii]</span></span></span></span></a>
who had fled to India
following the annihilation of his Empire by the Great Mongol.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Chengiz Khan’s army entered the city of Lahore in 1221 A.D.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This was the most serious threat the young
Sultanate of Delhi could ever face.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
Sultanate, which was just fifteen years old, was still weak and surrounded by
enemies on all sides except perhaps the North-west.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In this situation had Chengiz Khan chose to
march towards Delhi, he would have sacked the
infant Sultanate and that would have been the end of the first ever Muslim
empire in India.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Iltutmish, the Sultan of Delhi, however, was
realistic and demonstrated exemplary diplomatic skill by declining to support
to the Khwarizmian king, and thereby avoided the Great Mongol’s wrath <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Habibullah 1961: 95).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Chengiz Khan left India
having satisfied with the plunder of Lahore.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though the Mongols continued to raid the
north-western frontier regions of the country for another century, they ceased
to be a serious threat to the foundation of the Delhi Sultanate that acquired
tremendous political and military strength under the Khaljis.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Mongol menace ceased completely by early
14<sup>th</sup> Century A. D. when an invading Mongol army under Iqbalmand was
decisively defeated in A. D. 1308.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This
was due to the rational measures undertaken by the rulers of Delhi especially
Emperor Ala-ud-din Khalji, not only to fortify the trans-Indus region but also
to extend Delhi’s effective military control up to the Hindukush-Khyber
Corridor thereby not allowing the enemy to set foot into the Khyber Pass.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In fact, the new frontier army, created by
Ala-ud-din Khalji, under the leadership of Ghazi Malik took the war to Mongol
territory in Afghanistan.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The Mughal rulers kept this area
firmly under their control for nearly two centuries.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Following the decline of the Mughals,
however, Delhi lost its control over the
Hindukush-Khyber Corridor to the Afghans resulting in the latter becoming
capable of threatening the Punjab.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Afghan ruler Ahmad Shah Abdali successfully
raided the Punjab and even defeated the
Marathas in the third battle of Panipat in 1761 A.D.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The British who turned India into
their colony during the later half of 18<sup>th</sup> and early half of 19<sup>th</sup>
centuries realized the extent of danger from the northwest and took adequate
measures to minimize the same.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They did
something no Indian ruler had done earlier.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>They demarcated the Indo-Afghan boundary and formalized the same with a
written treaty in 1893.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though the
British failed to extend India’s
north-western frontier up to the Hindukush Line, the scientific boundary line
for the defence of northern India,
they succeeded in delineating the India–Afghanistan border (the Durand Line)
that firmly placed in their control the Khyber Pass that, for millennia, had
been the gateway to the Indus plains from the
northwest.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Durand Line followed the
eastern limits of the Hindukush-Khyber Corridor.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was the activities of the Imperial Russian
Army that prompted the British to go for delineating Indo-Afghan border and to
strengthen their positions there.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
defence of the Punjab plains assumed importance in 1888 when the Imperial
Russian army under the leadership of Captain Grombechevsky reached Hunza in
northern Kashmir. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The British apprehension and their threat
perception vis-à-vis Imperial Russia were demonstrated by Durand, the
experienced frontier expert, when he said, “the game had begun.” (Woodman 1969:
72)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Russians were, if allowed,
capable of threatening the security of the densely populated Punjab.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The British administration overcame this
menace by formally delineating Afghanistan’s
border first with India in
1893 and with Russia
in the Pamirs two years later.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The two
European powers who were involved in the “Great Game” in the northwest of India
made significant moves towards ‘peace’ by signing a treaty on 11 March
1995.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Accordingly, a narrow corridor
called “Wakhan” was created between the Russian controlled Tazhik territories
and the princely state of Jammu & Kashmir of the British Indian Empire, and
the same was placed under the control of Kabul.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Further, with the Anglo–Russian Convention of
1907, London succeeded in getting Moscow accept Afghanistan
as a buffer between Russia
and India
and never to cross it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not fully
convinced of Russian sincerity, the British rulers took from the State of Jammu
& Kashmir the Gilgit region<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn8" name="_ednref8" style="mso-endnote-id: edn8;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[viii]</span></span></span></span></a>
that shared common boundary with the Wakhan Corridor, and placed an Army unit
there in order to monitor the movement of the Russian army across the Corridor
and deter any possible Russian adventure.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Thus right from the Imperial Mouryas
to the British colonial rulers every major ruler of northern India realized the importance of the
Hindukush-Khyber Corridor in the defence of north-western India. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They took adequate measures to keep the
enemies beyond the Hindukush
Mountains or, if it was
not possible, the Khyber Pass.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Indian
history bears testimony to the fact that those who neglected this golden rule
paid heavy price, and alas, it happened again and again.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Though the Mongol threat disappeared
by the early 14<sup>th</sup> Century A. D., it did irreparable damage to the
cultural and religious unity of India.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Repeated Mongol invasions limited the north-western
frontier of the Delhi Sultanate to <span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Lahore-Multan
Line.</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All the territories west of
this line came under effective control of successive Muslim rulers that
facilitated large scale religious conversion under state patronage.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>North-western India’s socio-religious features
changed permanently with it adopting Islam and most of the social values it
stood for, and the rest of the country remaining predominantly Hindu both in
religious and societal sense.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus
Northwest India developed a socio-religious character that differed distinctly
from that of the rest of the country and, whereas, closer to that of Central and
West Asia.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>It was in this part of India
the Islamic state of Pakistan
was established in 1947.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Despite the religious divide between
the two parts of India that were separated by the Lahore-Multan Line, people on
both sides of this Line remained united economically and culturally, and
evolved common literature, music, dance, art and architecture.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Military conflicts that occurred here were
just campaigns of one contending political master against the other in the region
and their respective armies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>General
populace was hardly a party in these conflicts.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The protagonists of Pakistan
movement, however, ignored the cultural closeness and economic interdependence
among the people on both sides of the Lahore-Multan Line and highlighted only
the religious divide.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The demand for a
separate Muslim homeland got theoretical foundation when poet Mohammad Iqbal
floated a radical assumption called the “Two Nations Theory”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">assumption</i>
maintained that Hindus and Muslims were two different nations; consequently they
shouldn’t be under one state.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some of
them even maintained that there existed identical socio-religious character in
north-western India
and its western and northern neighbours.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Choudhury Rahmat Ali recognized the closeness among the people of north-western
India, Afghanistan and Iran, and stressed upon the need
for unity among them so that they could together “survive and thrive in the
world.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He emphasized this as the most
important justification for creation of a separate homeland for Indian Muslims.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In his famous monograph <i>Now or Never</i><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn9" name="_ednref9" style="mso-endnote-id: edn9;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[ix]</span></span></span></span></a>
published in 1933, Ali argued for the separation of north-western India from the rest of the country and its
merger with Iran, Afghanistan and Tokharistan to create <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">PAKISTAN</b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">.</b> (Pirzada 1963: 28-32).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though the word “Pakistan” literally means
“Land of the Pure,”<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn10" name="_ednref10" style="mso-endnote-id: edn10;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[x]</span></span></span></span></a>
it originally appeared in Ali’s thinking as an acronym with each letter
denoting a unit of the proposed state- P- Punjab, A- Afghania (NWFP or
North-West Frontier Province)<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn11" name="_ednref11" style="mso-endnote-id: edn11;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xi]</span></span></span></span></a>,
K- Kashmir, I- Iran, S- Sindh, T- for Tukharistan or Tokharistan, A-
Afghanistan and, finally, N- Baluchistan.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn12" name="_ednref12" style="mso-endnote-id: edn12;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xii]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though his idea of a union of Iran, Afghanistan,
Tukharistan, and the Muslim areas of north-western India was far-fetched and
politically untenable, he was the first protagonist of the Muslim homeland who
underscored the socio-religious similarities among the Muslim population of
these lands despite their astounding ethnic diversity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Moreover, Ali was the one who coined the name
“Pakistan”
ending Muslim League’s hitherto unsuccessful search for a suitable name for the
Muslim homeland it was campaigning for.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn13" name="_ednref13" style="mso-endnote-id: edn13;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xiii]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Aitzaz Ahsan, noted legal personality and
politician of Pakistan today calls these lands together as “Indus” and
maintains that despite geographers and historians alike treating the Indian
subcontinent as one single unit, “Indus and India have always been distinct and
separate” (2000: 259).</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The Indian National Congress, which
was in the forefront of India’s
freedom struggle, rejected the Two Nations Theory.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On the other hand, the Muslim League accepted
it and used it to strengthen its demand for creation of a separate Muslim
homeland.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What the League failed to
recognize was that the division of India
on religious lines would create a <b>double-edged frontier</b> in the middle of
the Indus plains; and the two nations would
become <b>Plain States</b> living in the state of mutual distrust and constant
angst.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The League, however, succeeded, with
the active support from the British colonial masters, in getting Pakistan
created on 15 August 1947.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn14" name="_ednref14" style="mso-endnote-id: edn14;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xiv]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The partition was carried out in such a hurry
that it led to unprecedented human tragedy in Mankind’s history (Wolpert 2006)<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn15" name="_ednref15" style="mso-endnote-id: edn15;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xv]</span></span></span></span></a>
and the irony was that the Radcliffe Line that divided the Punjab between India
and Pakistan did run almost in the middle of the Indus plain just like the
centuries old Lahore-Multan Line.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This
Line, and the Line of Control in Kashmir (created as a consequence of the
Kashmir War of 1947-48) together, according to the <b>“Three Frontiers Theory”</b>,
is a <b>“double-edged frontier”</b> and the reason for the continued animosity
between India and Pakistan.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-GB">III</span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The India
- Pakistan
borders, both <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">de jure</i> and <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">de facto</i>, can be divided into two
distinct segments- the southern segment and the northern segment (referred to
as the Southern Line and the Northern Line respectively hereafter).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Southern Line separates the Indian states
of Gujarat and Rajasthan from the Pakistani provinces of Sindh and Punjab.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
Northern Line separates the two parts of the divided Punjab and Kashmir.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These two
Lines have historical roots of marked different length and credibility.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Southern Line is in fact not only
centuries old but also runs along natural barriers though minor ones.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Runn
of Kutch</i><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn16" name="_ednref16" style="mso-endnote-id: edn16;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xvi]</span></span></span></span></a>
has been serving as a natural frontier between Sindh and the Kutch region of Gujarat from the dawn of history and forms the lower
segment of the Southern Line.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though the
upper segment of the Southern Line, the line that separates the Pakistani
provinces of Sindh and Punjab on one hand and the Indian state of Rajasthan on
the other is just a couple of centuries old, it is located almost in the
western limits of the Thar Desert or the Great Indian Desert, a geographical
barrier.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It also has gained credibility
as it served as an accepted boundary during the Raj between the British
provinces of Sindh and the native states of Khairpur and Bahwalpur that became
part of Pakistan on one
hand, and the native kingdoms of Udaipur,
Jaisalmer and Bikaner
that formed part of the Indian state of Rajasthan on the other.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Consequently these boundary lines didn’t
cause any irritations or mutual suspicion on either side when they became
international borders separating India
and Pakistan
in 1947.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Nor did any major military
campaigns occur along this Line during any of the India
– Pakistan
wars of 1965 and 1971 and it has remained totally trouble free for almost four
decades.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Islamabad’s claim over part of
the Runn of Kutch and Pakistan Army’s subsequent incursions into the area in
the spring of 1965 was nothing more than Ayub Khan administration’s attempt to
test the strength of its recently modernized army and air force and also
India’s retaliatory capabilities just before a major campaign in Kashmir
(Chadha 2005: 89) which actually began clandestinely in July that year and assumed,
during the last week of August, the proportion of an open attack on the Indian
positions all along the Chicken’s Neck - Chhamb Jaurian sector with a clear aim
to sever Jammu & Kashmir from India once and for all by destroying the
Jammu – Akhoor road, the only road link between the Kashmir Valley and rest of
India during those days.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus this
Southern Line can be safely being termed as a dull frontier.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">On the other hand, the Northern Line
that separates the divided Punjab and Kashmir is a double-edged frontier and is
the primary reason for deep mutual distrust and persisting animosity between India and Pakistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Northern Line, like its southern
counterpart, can also be divided into southern segment –Radcliffe Line between
the two Punjabs and a short international border between the Pakistani Punjab
and the Indian controlled Kashmir, and the northern segment– Line of Control
(LOC) between the two Kashmirs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though
their origins are markedly different, both, being double-edged frontiers, have
been playing strikingly similar and significant roles in keeping India and Pakistan in the state of constant
angst, and the defence forces of the two adversaries contested fiercely all
along this Line during the wars of 1965 and 1971.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The double-edged nature of this Line along
with the unprecedented violence that accompanied the partition<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn17" name="_ednref17" style="mso-endnote-id: edn17;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xvii]</span></span></span></span></a>
created from the very beginning mutual hatred and distrust between the people
of the two states.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The impact of partition on the
Punjab was devastating as the “operation was performed in Punjab…
and it was performed without an unaesthetic. (Jha 2003: x)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The partition divided this huge province,
which for centuries had remained as one linguistic, cultural and economic unit
despite the religious difference.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Two of
its great cities –Lahore and Amritsar- located in the middle of the
province became frontier cities overnight.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>On the irrationality of drawing an international border between these
two cities, R. Coupland wrote way back in 1943 itself:</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: 72.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Between these two
cities there is no natural dividing line of any kind.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Any boundary set between them would be wholly
artificial, geographically, ethnographically and economically.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Inter
alia</i> it would cut in two the system of canals on which the productive
capacity of the whole area largely depends.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>It would also leave the capital city of each Province exposed and
defenceless, right up to the frontier.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Such an artificial line, despite its obvious disadvantages, might serve,
if it were to be the boundary between two Provinces in a single federal
state…<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But it is no mere
inter-Provincial boundary that is being contemplated.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is to be a regular international boundary
between two separate independent National States.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Coupland 1943: Pt III: 86)</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="margin-left: 72.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
large scale violence, abductions and rapes that accompanied the partition of
the Punjab province affected the psyche of its
people on both sides deeply and the resulting anger and hatred have become
deep-seated.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In such a situation
defending a border from the feverishly hostile enemy right in the middle of the
Indus plain became a cause of constant apprehension and worry for the two
Punjabs in particular and India and Pakistan in general.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Kashmir</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"> is another interesting case.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The leaders of Muslim League firmly believed
in this mountainous state’s merger into and integration with Pakistan simply because of its
overwhelming Muslim majority.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
attitude of the Hindu ruler of this princely state, however, prompted the new
government in Karachi to adopt initially coercive and subsequently military
means to achieve Kashmir’s merger with Pakistan and `complete’ the `unfinished
agenda of Partition’ that in turn resulted in the former acceding to India and
initiation of both military and diplomatic confrontations between New Delhi and
Karachi over the issue of sovereignty over this state.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When the cease-fire came about after a
fourteen month long fight, Kashmir lay divided
between the two contenders and dividing line or the Line of Control didn’t
follow any geographical barrier.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In fact,
it had moved to the east, away from the erstwhile dividing line of river
Jhelum, a geographical barrier though a minor one, and thus extended the
double-edged frontier from Punjab to Kashmir leading to increased anxiety and
hatred among the people and governments India
and Pakistan.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Apart from religion, there is one
more angle to the Kashmir question as for as Pakistan is concerned.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All major rivers of Pakistan either originate in or flow through Kashmir.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus
Kashmir is the source of water for Pakistan
and it’s anybody’s guess what will happen to that country if the whole of Kashmir falls into hostile hands.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is not known whether the Muslim League
leaders were aware of this fact or not when they went all out against, first,
Kashmir’s independence and later, its merger with India.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Leaguers’ futile attempt to get merged
into East Pakistan the whole of Assam
despite its overwhelming Hindu majority in all districts except Sylhet may be a
case worth mentioning here.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Recognition
of the future need for more land of the growing population of East Bengal was
the only logical rationale they had in their designs for sparsely populated Assam.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If they could recognize the future land
requirements of East Pakistan before Partition, they, it can be safely assumed,
must certainly have recognized the water requirements of West
Pakistan as well.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though
the Indus Water Treaty of 1960 allotted three western rivers of Indus river
basin –Indus, Jhelum and Chenab- fully to Pakistan,<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn18" name="_ednref18" style="mso-endnote-id: edn18;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xviii]</span></span></span></span></a>
Islamabad’s
worries did not disappear.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pakistan has been visibly sensitive to any
Indian plan to harness the waters of these three rivers for even the purpose of
electricity generation which will not hamper or reduce the flow of water into Pakistan
in any manner.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">So, religion is not the only factor
that determines Pakistan’s Kashmir policy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Like Bengal and Punjab, Kashmir too had
clearly distinct and contiguous Muslim and non-Muslim majority areas.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The British would certainly have divided
Kashmir too between India
and Pakistan
on religious basis if it were a British province instead of being a princely
state in 1947.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The first Kashmir War of
1947-48 and the cease-fire of 1 January 1949 did give <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Muslim Pakistan</i> control over almost all Muslim regions of Kashmir except the Valley.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Still, Islamabad has not given up its claim
for the whole state despite the non-Muslim population in Jammu region and
Ladakh <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">as Kashmir as a whole is very
vital for Pakistan’s economic viability</i> and this very fact would have
prompted the successive rulers of Islamabad to work for getting Kashmir into
their <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Muslim Pakistan</i> even if this
hilly state had non-Muslim majority in all its regions.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Another interesting
dimension of the Kashmir dispute is that Pakistan’s
economic dependency on Kashmir has made the part of Kashmir under New Delhi’s control as an <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">economic single-edged frontier</b> in India’s favour.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pakistan’s
attempts to establish control over the whole of Kashmir is nothing but a Valley State’s
effort to convert the frontier single-edged in its own favour.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>India being the economic Ridge State in this
case, has been working hard to keep the frontier as it is, or in other words,
economically single-edged in its own favour.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Thus, Kashmir is the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">economic Alsace and Lorraine</i>
of South Asia and this explains the protracted Kashmir imbroglio and India – Pakistan animosity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Given the economic and geopolitical issues
involved, India and Pakistan
would have demonstrated the same hatred towards each other even if their people
followed common religion.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The present India – Pakistan crisis can also be viewed
in a different but positive way.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This
geographical landmass of South Asia is the
home of ancient civilizations and it has witnessed the rise and fall of
thousands of principalities, kingdoms and empires in its awfully long
history.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These developments were
accompanied by countless wars and armed conflicts.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Perhaps more armed conflicts have been fought
in the Indian subcontinent than in any geographical area of similar size
anywhere in the world.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Establishment of
European rule brought about a steep decline in the number of political masters
which in turn gradually reduced the frequency and diversity in the armed
conflicts in South Asia.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Once the British became the undisputed
masters of the subcontinent, armed conflicts in this land became a thing of the
past.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not even a single armed conflict
occurred for more than a century.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Partition of the subcontinent and subsequent developments created two
major political masters in the lands south of the Hindukush and the Himalayas.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In
contrast to previous centuries when scores or hundreds existed, now there are
only two major political contenders left in the fray, and consequently the
intensity and ferocity of hostilities too are high which is obvious as both are
striving hard to make the present arrangement, with minor modifications,
permanent in a land where no arrangement lasted for a period of decent length
in the past.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 200%;">IV</span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>It
is an irony of history that the frontier separating Asia’s two giants –China
and India- was transformed from the one guarded by a few hundred club-wielding
policemen into world’s highly militarized one in a surprisingly short period in
the latter half of 1950s.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The frontier
erupted almost suddenly, led to acrimonious charged and counter-charges eventually
culminating into the border war of October – November 1962 that wounded India’s
pride.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although several attempts were
initiated by both governments in the form of bilateral talks and confidence
building measures in the 1980s that led to several agreements initiating an era
of mutual economic and scientific cooperation, the border issue remains
unresolved and raises its ugly head like a hydra time and again.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">What all happened in the
realm of Sino-Indian relations during 1949-62 has become an inseparable and
unforgettable chapter in the history of modern India.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The plethora of material painstakingly
researched and compiled by numerous scholars<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn19" name="_ednref19" style="mso-endnote-id: edn19;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xix]</span></span></span></span></a>
conclusively establishes that there were two broad sets of reasons for the war
of 1962.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Indian insistence on the
legitimacy of one of the several lines that put the whole of Aksai Chin under
its control and New Delhi’s undue haste in getting it accepted by Beijing
either through negotiations or through low-key military operations during
1959-62 described as “Forward Policy” belong to the first set of reasons.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On the other hand, frequent changes and
shifts in China’s
claims and stances form the second set of reasons.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The
Sino – Indian frontier saw military activities in a major scale in its eastern
flank during the beginning of the second decade of the previous century.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was India
that initiated those military activities and China did the same in the western
flank forty years later.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These military
moves, first by India and
followed by China later,
together are, according to the “Three Frontiers Theory”, attempts on the part
of New Delhi and Beijing to convert “Single-edged Frontiers”
against themselves into “Dull Frontiers.”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>There
existed no linear boundary<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn20" name="_ednref20" style="mso-endnote-id: edn20;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xx]</span></span></span></span></a>
between India and China before an attempt for creating one for the
first time in history was initiated by India during 1911-14.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US">In fact, no linear
boundary existed between empires/kingdoms of Asia
in the historical past. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What separated
one from the other was a broad stretch of land of varying width usually being a
geographical landmark like a mountain, or a desert and the like. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Interestingly, rivers which are closer to
linear boundaries in nature hardly acted as lines that separated one empire
from the other.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Usually these frontiers
(between two empires) were uninhabitable areas or areas with sparse tribal or
nomadic population which was numerically a minority and militarily
insignificant and consequently played no role in the regional politics of the
time thus posed no threat to or undermined the interests of the empires which
they separated.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The reason for Asiatic
states not attempting to establish linear boundaries was probably the frequent
changes in the location of frontiers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The constant warfare between the states never allowed a particular stretch
of land to remain as a frontier for a time span adequately enough for it to
secure acceptance and legitimacy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus
absence of permanent frontiers was the reason for absence of linear frontiers
or at least attempts at establishing them.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn21" name="_ednref21" style="mso-endnote-id: edn21;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxi]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was so in the case of India and China too.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Of course the mighty Himalayas
were regarded as the traditional frontiers between the two civilizations.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But the fact is that it was not quiet most of
the time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Military activities involving
the armies of Tibet, Nepal, Punjab (the Sikhs), Kangra, Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh, Hunza, Baltistan and,
occasionally, imperial China
were common during the historical period causing constant shifts in
frontiers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As a result, when “the Republic of India
and the People’s Republic of China,
after they came into existence had faced an unfinished task: How to convert
their frontiers into legal boundaries (Swamy, 2001: 39).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Before 1911 Tibetan
suzerainty extended to areas south of the Himalayas
in the eastern sector.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn22" name="_ednref22" style="mso-endnote-id: edn22;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxii]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In other words the present north-eastern
state of Arunachal Pradesh was not under the political and military control of British India.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
traditional frontier between Tibetan territories and British India ran roughly
along the northern edges of the Brahmaputra plains far below the mighty
Himalayas which were traditionally believed to be an impassable wall providing
absolute protection to India
from any invading army from the north.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn23" name="_ednref23" style="mso-endnote-id: edn23;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxiii]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The British Indian troops in the Assam would
have been put under tremendous stress if Tibet became expansionist or it came
under stricter Chinese control once again as was the case before the decline of
the Beijing-based imperial authority.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn24" name="_ednref24" style="mso-endnote-id: edn24;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxiv]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In this way this line acted as a Single-edged
Frontier in favour of Tibet
of which China was the
suzerain and thus India
found itself in the unenviable position of a Valley State.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">In order to eliminate any
future threat from either Tibet
or China or Russia a section of the British Indian
authorities conceived a plan of pushing the Indo-Tibetan frontier to the higher
reaches of the Himalayas and also delineate
it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Colonel Francis Younghusband led an
expedition in 1911 into the Tibetan territories south of the Himalayas
and successfully established Indian authority there.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These territories which British
India established <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">de-facto</i>
control over were christened “North Eastern Frontier Agency (NEFA).”<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn25" name="_ednref25" style="mso-endnote-id: edn25;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxv]</span></span></span></span></a>
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>An unsuccessful attempt to formalise
Indian sovereignty over these newly acquired territories was made by the
British Indian authorities during 1913-14.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>When the tripartite negotiations involving India, China and Tibet held
in Shimla in 1913 failed to produce the desired result, Sir Henry McMahon, the
then Foreign Secretary of the Indian government arranged bilateral talks with
Tibet in New Delhi in March 1914.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
boundary line he proposed and got accepted by the Tibetan representative in
this meeting bore his name and ran almost right along the crest of the Himalayan Mountains
thus establishing a natural boundary between India
and Tibet.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Tibetan authorities in Lhaas, however,
soon repudiated their representative’s action of accepting the McMahon
Line.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As a bigger blow to the Indian
official’s plan the Chinese government too declared that any agreement between Tibet and India would be “illegitimate and
null” (Ibid.: 42).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Sir Henry McMahon had a
vision about the necessity of linear boundary for the security of India which, unfortunately, was not understood
and shared by his superiors in New Delhi and London at that time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>His efforts which were aimed at converting
the Single-edged Frontier against India in the eastern sector into a Dull
Frontier were met with opposition not only from Chinese side but by the very
government he represented.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The then
Viceroy, in his report to London,
disowned McMahon’s dealings with the Tibetan representative.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The British government too expressed it’s
disapproval of McMahon’s moves by transferring him from India to Egypt (Ibid.).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Even the Survey of India did not include NEFA
in India
in its maps.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus Sir Henry McMahon
became a tragic hero in the saga of India’s quest for converting
Single-edged Frontier into Dull Frontier in the eastern sector.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The British authorities
finally accepted the relevance of McMahon Line in the 1930s and maintained that
it was India’s legal
boundary with Tibet and the
Survey of India too followed suit by publishing maps that showed NEFA as Indian territory for the first time in 1938.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>After some initial hesitation the government
of independent India
too echoed this view when Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru asserted in the
Parliament: “Our maps show McMahon Line is our boundary and that is our
boundary-map or no map.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The fact remains
that we stand by that boundary, and we will not allow anybody to come across that
boundary.” (Maxwell, 1997: 75).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This
assertion by Nehru is a clear indication that the government of independent India accepted the perception of the erstwhile
British colonial regimes regarding the necessity of McMahon Line for India’s
security.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It demonstrated its resolve to
continue the policy of converting Single-edged Frontiers against India into Dull Frontiers when it annexed in
February 1952 Tawang which the British had left with the Tibetans despite it
being located south of the Himalayas as well
as the McMahon Line.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>China which had established politico-military
control over Tibet
an year ago did not react to the Indian move at all.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“This puzzling silence can be construed as China’s acquiescence in India’s filling
out in the McMahon Line” (Maxwell, 1997: 73).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>In the Sino-Indian war of October-November 1962 the Chinese People’s
Liberation Army (PLA) violated the McMahon Line, crossed the Himalayan Mountains
occupied Tawang and made significant gains further south.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn26" name="_ednref26" style="mso-endnote-id: edn26;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxvi]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Chinese government, however, declared
unilateral cease-fire after a month long campaign, vacated all the occupied
areas including Tawang and withdrew its army to its own territory north of the
McMahon Line.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though this action of Beijing has all elements
of a typical Chinese riddle, it is not difficult to decipher it. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Had the PLA remained in the areas south of the
Himalayan Mountains for some more times it would have been cut off from China
once the mountain passes got closed due to heavy snowing during winter which
was about to set in.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In such an
eventuality the Chinese soldiers would have become sitting ducks for Indian army
and the impressive victory achieved by the PLA would have turned into a great
fiasco for Beijing
(Premashekhara, 2008: 17).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Chinese
realized the fact that it would be difficult or even impossible for them to
keep NEFA (present Arunachal Pradesh) under their control during winter since
the Indians enjoyed easy access to that territory throughout the year including
winter months.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The peculiarity or
uniqueness of this region is that a Chinese controlled Arunachal Pradesh would
act as Single-edged Frontier in India’s
favour during winter and in China’s
favour during the rest of the year!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It
would, in a way, act as a Double-edged Frontier.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It means this frontier would never be
quiet.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In order to avoid such a
situation Chinese authorities realized the fact that it would be wise to regard
the McMahon Line as boundary line since it was a Dull Frontier and did not
provide strategic advantage to either of the powers, did nothing to disturb it
except issuing statements staking their claim on the territories south of the
McMahon Line.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus the Sino-Indian
frontier in the eastern sector was first converted by the British into a Dull Frontier
during 1911-14 and was accepted by the Chinese as such later 1962.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn27" name="_ednref27" style="mso-endnote-id: edn27;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxvii]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The Sino-Indian frontier in the
western sector is more complex in nature than its eastern counterpart.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Here, it was China
that converted a Single-edged Frontier in India’s favour into a Dull Frontier.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There existed no clearly delineated boundary
between Ladakh region of Jammu & Kashmir and Uyghur Xinjiang (formerly
Sinkiang) and the British exhibited least interest in having one ever since
they came to possess Kashmir following their
victory over Maharaja Ranjit Singh in the Fourth Sikh War in 1839.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The governments in both London
and Kolkata,<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn28" name="_ednref28" style="mso-endnote-id: edn28;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxviii]</span></span></span></span></a>
however, were alarmed when an Imperial Russian army led by Capt. Grombechevsky
reached Hunza in northern Kashmir in 1888 after his successful campaigns in Central Asia.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
Russians, if allowed, were capable of threatening the densely populated Punjab
which also had the distinction of being the bread basket of British
India.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">A careful study of British India’s
frontier policy in the north shows that London
and Kolkata always wanted “friendly buffers” lying between densely populated
regions of northern India on
one hand and imperial Russia
and China
on the other.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Their attitudes towards
and dealings with Afghanistan,
Swat and Tibet
were all demonstrative of this policy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Capt. Grombechevsky’s entry into northern Kashmir evidently disturbed
British India’s “friendly buffers” policy, exposed densely populated northern India to potential dangers unless London did something
drastic against the Russians.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
British apprehension and their threat perception vis a vis the Russians were
demonstrated by Capt. Algermon Durand, the well known frontier expert when he
said “the game had begun” (Woodman, 1969: 72).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Northern Kashmir suddenly assumed strategic importance and led to the British
efforts at defining Kashmir’s boundaries with Afghanistan
in the north-west and China
in the north-east.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They did conclude an
agreement with Kabul formally delineating Afghanistan’s border with India in 1893.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Russian threat in the north-west was
considerably reduced when the British signed a treaty with Moscow on 11 March
1995 according to which a narrow corridor called “Wakhan” was created between
the Russian controlled Tazhik territories on the one hand and Swat Valley of
the newly created North West Frontier Province (NWFP) and Gilgit region of the
princely state of Jammu & Kashmir of the British Indian Empire on the other,
and the same was placed under the control of Kabul (Premashekhara, 2008: 22).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">With regard to the issue
of delineating Kashmir’s boundary with China in the Aksai Chin region,<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn29" name="_ednref29" style="mso-endnote-id: edn29;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxix]</span></span></span></span></a>
the British contemplated three lines –Ardagh-Johnson Line, Macartney-MacDonald
Line, and Trelawney Saunders Line.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn30" name="_ednref30" style="mso-endnote-id: edn30;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxx]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While the Ardagh-Johnson Line,<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn31" name="_ednref31" style="mso-endnote-id: edn31;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxi]</span></span></span></span></a>
running along the Kuen Lun Range in
the north and northeast, placed the whole of Aksai Chin within the territory of Kashmir, the Macartney-MacDonald Line,<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn32" name="_ednref32" style="mso-endnote-id: edn32;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxii]</span></span></span></span></a>
on the other hand, put much of Aksai Chin in Sinkiang.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The earlier Trelawney Saunders Line<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn33" name="_ednref33" style="mso-endnote-id: edn33;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxiii]</span></span></span></span></a>
ran along the Karakoram Range and thus placed
the whole of Aksai Chin in Sinkiang (Lamb, 1964: 86).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The British, however,
did nothing serious to get any one of these lines accepted by Beijing
as there appeared to be no consensus among various officials and bodies dealing
with Indian affairs in London
and Kolkata.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Initially John Ardagh’s
views of placing the entire Aksai Chin in India
gained acceptance in London when he argued that China’s
weakness made it useless as a buffer between northern frontiers of British
Indian Empire and the Russian Empire.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Highlighting the eagerness with which Russia annexed the whole of
Central Asia in less than forty years and advanced its borders towards India,
Ardagh predicted that Moscow would eventually annex western part of Sinkiang
and pose serious threat to India’s security in the Kashmir region and argued
for extending Indian sovereignty right up to the Kuen Lun Range with the whole
of Aksai Chin within Indian territory (Maxwell, 1997: 32).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although he conceded that in general sense
the Karakoram mountains formed a natural boundary, “easy to define, difficult
to pass and fairly dividing the people on either side”, he rejected this
mountain range as proper border as it’s very “physical condition” would deny
Indian army of proper information regarding the movement of the enemy on the
other side (Ibid.).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The officials in India, however,
rejected Ardagh’s views as “impractical theorising of an armchair general”
(Ibid.).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Viceroy Lord Elgin “warned”
London that any attempt to implement the Ardagh-Johnson Line and bring Aksai
Chin under Indian control would “entail a real risk of strained relations with
China and furthermore might precipitate the very Russian advance which Ardagh
wished to forestall”.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn34" name="_ednref34" style="mso-endnote-id: edn34;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxiv]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>London
accepted the Indian officials’ point of view and approved the
Macartney-MacDonald Line and the same was proposed to the Chinese on 14 March
1899 (Ibid.: 33).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus, this
Macartney-MacDonald Line was the only border line British India officially ever
proposed to China.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Chinese, however, never replied to this
proposal.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The British lost their
interest in the issue once the Russian threat disappeared following the
Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907 and China ceased to be a source of
threat as it plunged into political instability following the revolution of
1911.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These developments, and several
other similar ones which the history of the British Empire, in Asia in
particular and the world in general, is replete with, amply demonstrate that
London’s attitude towards India’s borders with its neighbours was determined
not by India’s interests and it was the empire’s interests vis a vis other
empires that guided the British in this regard.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>It was the two variables of Russia
and China that shaped London’s policy towards India’s borders.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the words of Stephen A. Hoffmann:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 72.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">They [the British]
had to be concerned with the political and strategic implications for the
empire of any boundary agreement concluded with other powers bordering India.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Such powers included Russia and China,
and relations with them were seen from London as
set by such matters as Anglo-Russian dealings in Europe and the Middle East and
British interests on the mainland of China.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus, London
tended toward avoidance of forward claims and lines.</span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: right; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">(1990: 14).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Thus, the “British
approach towards the border was that of an imperial power and not one of defending
Indian nation state.” (Swamy, 2001: 42).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Despite these historical ambiguities and absence of any formal treaties the
government of independent India
unilaterally accepted a slightly modified Ardagh-Johnson Line as the
international boundary between India
and China insisting on New Delhi’s sovereignty
over the whole of Aksai Chin. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This stand
was not effectively challenged as long as civil war raged on in China and
Chinese frontier remained receded far away from India as Tibet enjoyed
independence and Sinkiang experienced Russian influence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Once China
achieved political stability under the communists following their victory in
the civil war in 1949 Tibet
lost its independence to the new central government in Beijing
and Sinkiang reverted to Chinese rule and, consequently, China’s frontier once again came closer to that
of India.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>History repeated itself then and Aksai Chin
once again became a <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">disputed</i>
territory.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The British maps had
shown no marked boundary at all in the Sino-Indian frontiers from Nepal to Afghanistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Survey of India continued to reproduce
the same maps for several years after independence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It, however, published maps in 1954 marking a
definitive boundary between India
and China in the western
sector which placed the whole of Aksai Chin in India.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>India did insist time and again
that Aksai Chin belonged to it but did nothing to establish its authority there.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>New
Delhi became aware of Chinese presence in that region
only when the Chinese media announced in 1957 that their frontier guards and
about three thousand civilian builders had completed the construction of a road
there.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although the Indian ambassador in
Peking reported this matter to New
Delhi in September 1957, the latter took ten full
months to send a patrol team in Aksai Chin to find out whether the Chinese
claim on road construction was true.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn35" name="_ednref35" style="mso-endnote-id: edn35;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxv]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Then onwards began a
series of allegations, accusations, counter-accusations and failed negotiations
with China
firmly holding on to its claim.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Beijing on its part
changed its claims lines frequently pushing the same westward every time thus
arousing Indian anxiety greatly (Woodman, 1969: 245-78). <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All these finally led to the border war of
October-November 1962 which resulted in the Chinese occupation of all the areas
right up to the Karakoram
Mountains.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Beijing’s
attitude here was markedly different from its policy in the eastern
sector.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Here, the PLA didn’t withdraw
from the region as it did in the east; instead, maintained that the Karakoram Mountains
were the traditional frontier between Kashmir
and Sinkiang and the same must be accepted as international boundary between
the two countries.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Beijing
was reasonable in thinking that the extension of Indian sway over areas beyond
the Karakoram Mountains
would make Aksai Chin a Single-edged Frontier in India’s
favour throughout the year except during the winter months and seriously
undermine Chinese security in and control over Tibet.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Hence, they wanted to limit Indian control up
to the Karakoram Mountains only thus creating a natural and
Dull Frontier between the two countries.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn36" name="_ednref36" style="mso-endnote-id: edn36;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxvi]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Neither any government
in London nor any British Administrator in India had ever attempted to extend India’s control beyond the Karakoram
Mountains although such an idea was
contemplated whenever Russian, and Chinese to a lesser extent, threat came
closer to India’s
northern frontiers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At the same time
they never accepted any hostile element being present on this side of the
Mountains.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In other words, they wanted
mighty mountains ranges to form India’s
northern frontiers in both eastern and western sectors.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They extended Indian authority up to the
Himalayas in the east during 1911-14 and maintained that Macartney-MacDonald
Line which ran almost along the eastern slopes of the Karakoram Range was India’s limit
in the western sector.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They were well
aware of the danger the empire was to face should it crossed the Karakoram as
the areas beyond that mountain range were indefensible from Indian side.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The government of independent India, however, lacked such wisdom and followed
an ill-conceived and audacious policy and challenged Beijing’s
authority over Aksai Chin when China
emerged, with a fiercely nationalist government under the communists, stronger
out of decades of chaos and re-united all the regions under strong central
authority.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The British had avoided such
a daring policy during their heydays as global power and when China offered
little resistance.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The policy
independent India followed
towards China
with regard to the border issue was geographically unscientific, strategically
illogical, politically irresponsible and militarily suicidal.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was doomed to end in disaster and
humiliation, and that is what happened finally.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The war of 1962 resulted in China successfully converting the
border in the western sector into a Dull Frontier.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus, the Sino-Indian frontier which was Single-edged
in India’s favour in the
western sector and in China’s
favour in the east was converted into a Dull Frontier during the period between
1911 and 1962 and this is the reason for relative peace that prevails in the
Himalayan region since then.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: center; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: center; text-indent: 36pt;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="line-height: 200%;">V</span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Although Beijing and New Delhi have
not officially accepted the change, they have not done anything significant to
disturb the statuesquo and alter the so-called “Line of Actual Control” (LAC)
since the end of the war of 1962 giving the indications they feel that there
exists no border dispute between India
and China.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Of course, there have been minor incursions
into each other’s territories, the Somdorong Chu incident of June 1986 and the Kongka Pass
incident of July-August 2009 being the major ones.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Such incidents are bound to occur when
borders are not defined in written agreements and delineated on land.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Both countries handled these incidents in
positive manner and never allowed the situation on ground to deteriorate.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Indian government’s handling of the
situation in the present case is particularly remarkable.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It has not given in to media outrage and
remained calm maintaining that there were inbuilt mechanisms to handle these
kinds of situations effectively.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is
markedly different from New Delhi’s
attitudes during similar situations before the war of 1962.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Reality being so, it is unlikely that India and China will go to war over the
boundary issue again.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Such a war will
alter the Dull Frontier created over a period of half a century of military
moves and push India and China to
situations similar to the one existed before 1962 which is not going to serve
the interest of either country.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">During the past two decades New Delhi and Beijing have
concluded, apart from the significant “Agreement on the Maintenance of Peace
and Tranquillity Along the Line of Actual Control in the India - China Border”
signed during the official visit of Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao to the
Chinese capital in September 1993,<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn37" name="_ednref37" style="mso-endnote-id: edn37;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxvii]</span></span></span></span></a>
several agreements to maintain peace along this LAC.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Therefore, it can be safely assumed that both
New Delhi and Beijing have realized the fact that the
present LAC is the scientific boundary between the two countries.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Their hesitation to officially convert the
LAC into official international border is understandable.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Such a move will, especially in India, create
strong public resentment.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Such resentment is
actually the result of lack of understanding of history on the part of the
Indian people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A careful analysis of the
historical documents and proper understanding of events in the past 120 years
demonstrate clearly enough that India
has been the gainer in its border row with China.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>India now possesses Arunachal
Pradesh, which was in fact not part of its territory before 1911. On the other
hand Aksai Chin, which is under Chinese control now was part of Indian
territory only in maps as results of British India’s ambiguous policies and
independent India’s
cartographic expansion in 1954.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In
reality India
never controlled that region.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_edn38" name="_ednref38" style="mso-endnote-id: edn38;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxviii]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If the Indian public is properly educated on
historical facts they may not oppose any move by their government to convert
the Line of Actual Control into international boundary.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="line-height: 200%; text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">In
fact, the Chinese offered to convert the Line of Actual Control with minor
modifications into international border between the two countries in the fifth
round of border talks held during 1983-84.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This meant China was
ready to recognize Indian sovereignty over Arunachal Pradesh provided India accepted
Chinese sovereignty over Aksai Chin.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
Indian government, however, rejected it (Sali, 1998: 113, Ganguly, 2009:
14).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Chinese offer was wise in more
than one respect and Indian acceptance of the same would have solved the vexed
border row, freed Indian armed forces from the tremendous burden it has been
shouldering and radically overhauled Sino-Indian relations.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is difficult to gauge whether China still
favours such a solution to the border problem.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>However, it is in the interest of the Indian people and government to
probe the matter and work for legitimizing the Line of Actual Control as
international border and formally establish “Dull Frontiers” which will remove
the threat of any armed conflict between the two Asian giants permanently.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A Dull Frontier with China is very much in India’s interest.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It will free India
from the tremendous tension along its northern borders and help New Delhi to deal with
challenges and threats emanating from other sources and directions more
effectively and decisively.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">On the other hand, the Indo – Pakistan
borders have remained double-edged since the days of their creation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Sadly, it is virtually impossible for a dull
frontier to appear in South Asia unless India
pushes its western borders up to the Hindukush – Khyber corridor and Pakistan
becomes the undisputed master of all areas lying between the great mountains in
the north and the great seas in the south.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Either of these solutions can never be achieved without seeing one of
the two countries permanently disappearing from world map which is unacceptable
to either people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So, whatever both
countries, mainly Pakistan,
have been doing to alter the present arrangements, will never result in the
creation of dull frontiers between the two.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 36.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">In this regard, the question that
arises is –how long will it take for the two present political masters of South
Asia to accept the prevailing politico-military arrangements <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">as they are</i> and create permanent
borders, recognize and respect them, and co-exist peacefully?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The economic single-edged frontier in India’s favour in Kashmir, and Pakistan’s attempts to rise from the position of
Valley State
to the position of Ridge State there, and the double-edged frontier in the
Punjab region that makes them Plain
States, and the resulting
distrust, hatred and animosity are all the realities of the past six
decades.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All these negative aspects
collectively make the possibility of peaceful co-existence remote.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Positive changes depend largely on the
mindsets of the people and leadership.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>In this regard, there is a lot for them to learn from European
experience.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Almost all the borders in Europe are either double-edged or single-edged in favour
of one or the other.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The European
states, however, have now accepted these frontiers as fait accompli and learnt
to live with them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is true that this
has happened after nearly two millennia of mutual distrust, animosity and
countless armed conflicts including the horrendous two world wars.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The fact is that it has happened
finally.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is for the people and
leaderships of India and Pakistan
to decide how many more decades or centuries they need to accept the present
frontiers and arrangements as they are and live with them peacefully, develop
and prosper together, and stand proudly among the family of nations in this era
of globalization. </span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">REFERRENCES</span></b></div>
<div style="mso-element: endnote-list;">
<br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<div id="edn1" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref1" name="_edn1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[i]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Bolivia
thus became a land-locked country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It
has made several unsuccessful attempts during the past 125 years to have a
coastline once again initially through force and later through negotiations. </span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn2" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[ii]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"> The “moral aspect” of these means is not elaborated here since it
lies outside the subject matter of this study.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn3" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref3" name="_edn3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[iii]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Though the river Rio Grande shifts
its course once in while and causes some confusion among the two nations that
lie on its either side, Washington and Mexico City have never
allowed the same to assume crisis proportion.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn4" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[iv]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Presently the Hindukush Mountains
run from northeast to southwest in eastern Afghanistan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pushthu speaking Pakthuns or Pathans who have
been separated by the Durand Line from their fellow Pakthuns in the North West
Frontier Province (NWFP) in the erstwhile British Indian Empire and in present Pakistan since
the end of the Anglo-Afghan hostilities during the last quarter of the 19th
Century populate the land on either side of the Mountain predominantly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Tazhiks are majority in northeast and Uzbeks
in the west.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Both Tajiks and Uzbeks have
people of their ethnicity in neighboring Tajikistan
and Uzbekistan
respectively.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The ethnic closeness of
the three major ethnic groups of Afghanistan
to the people of neighbouring states prompted both the Moscow
and London to ponder over the idea of dividing
the country between the then Soviet Union and Pakistan in early 1950s.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This plan was dropped later because it was
thought that a neutral buffer of Afghanistan would serve the
interests of both superpowers better during the heydays of Cold War. </span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn5" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[v]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Prior to the War of 1965 the
then President of Pakistan Field Martial Ayub Khan declared that history was on
his side.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He also boasted of hoisting
Pakistani flag atop the Red Fort in New
Delhi within fifteen days.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He said that it was a historical fact that
one who controlled Punjab would control Delhi
one day: and he was the one who controlled Punjab
in 1965.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn6" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[vi]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though the Kushans were
originally from Tibet,
the empire they established in the First Century B. C. was actually had the
distinction of being the first ever-Afghan empire worth naming.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The three Kushan emperors viz. Kuzala
Kadafissus, Vima Kadafissus and Kanishka controlled vast areas on both sides of
the Hindukush-Khyber Corridor.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
imperial capital of Purushapura (modern Peshawar)
was actually located on the eastern side of the Corridor.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn7" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[vii]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"> Following the annihilation of the Khwarizmian Empire by Chengiz
Khan, its ruler Allauddin Mangbarni fled to the Caspian region.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>His son Jalaluddin Mangbarni crossed over to India via Iran.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He was closely followed on his heals by the
Mongol army.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Jalaluddin Mangbarni forged
an alliance with the Khokars by marrying the daughter of their chief and
disappeared into the deserts of Sind.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn8" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[viii]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"> It was called “Gilgit Agency” during the British period and as “Northern Territories” under Pakistani rule and was under
the direct rule of Islamabad
till recently. However, these regions have been rechristened as “Gilgit –
Baltistan” and political processes to create a legislative body with members
elected by the people of the region are underway these days. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Interestingly, this region was and is not a
part of Azad Kashmir or Pakistan Occupied Kashmir or POK as it’s known in India.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn9" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[ix]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"> Rahmat Ali released <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Now or
Never</i>, as a monograph on 28 January 1933 in Cambridge.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Interestingly Rahmat Ali felt disenchanted with not only the geography
of Pakistan
but also the politico-bureaucratic system the Muslim state came under when it
was established and started a campaign against it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Consequently he earned the wrath of the
establishment and was deported to England and died there in
1951.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He lies buried in a cemetery in Cambridge, England,
not in the country to which he gave its name.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn10" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[x]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"> The word “Pak” literally means “pure” in Arabic.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn11" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xi]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"> Ali called it Afghania because this region is inhabited mainly by
the Pushtu speaking Pathans who were separated from Afghanistan by the Durand Line in
the later part of 19th Century.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn12" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xii]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"> Interestingly, he chose the last letter of the name Baluchistan, not the first.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn13" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xiii]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"> At one stage the leaders of Muslim League had even insisted on naming
the proposed Muslim homeland as India.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn14" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xiv]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"> It had been British policy to keep a smaller part of their
possessions under their own control and give independence to the larger
part.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Northern
Ireland and Kuwait are the best examples of
this policy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Such a move, however, was
not possible in the Indian subcontinent as the Indian freedom movement was
firmly opposed to any British plan of retaining a small part of India in London’s
control and giving independence to the larger part.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This opposition might have prompted the
British to think of a different plan- divide India
on religious ground, and support the smaller one so that it would remain
indebted to London
for a long time even after independence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This would enable London
to maintain its presence and continue to influence the developments in this
part of the world even after the end of its colonial empire.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn15" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xv]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"> The latest in the series of scholarly investigations into the
British “role” in the partition of India
and how they did it is: Wolpert, Stanley (2006) <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Shameful Flight: The Last Years of the
British Rule in India</i>, Oxford University Press, London.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn16" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xvi]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"> The Great Runn of Kutch and the Little Runn of Kutch are filled
with the waters of the Arabian sea during the
rainy season and remain as arid salty desert during the rest of the year.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pakistan
staked its claim on half of this area on the ground that it was an arm of Arabian Sea and the international border should run along
the middle of it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>After some minor
skirmishes in the summer of 1965 the issue was referred to a Tribunal which
awarded to Pakistan three
years later an area covering about 780 sq. km. much less than what Islamabad had
claimed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Both parties accepted the
verdict and accordingly India
transferred that territory to Pakistan.
</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn17" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref17" name="_edn17" style="mso-endnote-id: edn17;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xvii]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;">The violence that accompanied the partition
of the Indian Subcontinent was unprecedented in human history.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Hundreds of thousands of people were
massacred and more than ten million people crossed borders in what has been
described as the largest migration in the history of Mankind.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is hardly any family on both sides of
the Radcliffe Line in Punjab, which was not a victim
of violence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus the birth of the
independent states of India
and Pakistan
was accompanied by religion-triggered bloodshed that left deep scars on the
minds of their people. </span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn18" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref18" name="_edn18" style="mso-endnote-id: edn18;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xviii]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> India got full
utilization rights on the three “eastern rivers” –Ravi, Beas and Sutlej.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn19" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref19" name="_edn19" style="mso-endnote-id: edn19;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xix]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Some of them are: Hoffmann, Steven (1990), <i>India and the China
Crisis</i>, Oxford University Press, Delhi; Lamb, Alastair (1964), <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The China – India Border: The Origin of the
Disputed Boundaries</i>, Oxford University Press, London; ……….. (1966), <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The McMahon Line</i>, 2 Vols., Routledge and
Kegan Paul, London;
………. (1975), <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Sino Indian Border in
Ladakh</i>, University of South Carolina Press, Columbia;<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Maxwell, Neville (1970), <i>India’ China War</i>,
London; Swamy, Subramanian (2001), <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">India’s
China Perspective</i>, Konark Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi; Woodman, Dorothy
(1969), <i>Himalayan Frontier</i>, Barrie and Rockliff; London.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn20" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref20" name="_edn20" style="mso-endnote-id: edn20;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xx]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> A Boundary is a geographic line agreed to in diplomatic
negotiations (delineation), jointly marked out on the ground (demarcation),
thereafter visualized on a map (cartography), and accurately formalized between
two sovereign governments (treaty), in which each thus recognised the limits of
its own and that of its neighbour’s territory.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>See: Swamy, Subramanian, (2001), <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">India’s
China Perspective</i>, Konark Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, p. 39.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn21" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref21" name="_edn21" style="mso-endnote-id: edn21;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxi]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Perhaps the first ever linear boundaries in continental Asia were
established by the Russians to separate their newly conquered Central and
Northeast Asian territories from Sinkiang and Manchuria of imperial China in the
second half of the 19<sup>th</sup> century.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>British and French colonizers followed suit in Southeast
Asia at the end of that century</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn22" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref22" name="_edn22" style="mso-endnote-id: edn22;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxii]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> The areas lying south of the Himalayas and north of the Assam plains were not parts of Tibet in strict
sense.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Arunachal Pradesh, as that
region is known today was fragmented and was under the control of several
tribal chieftains.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These chieftains in
turn owed their allegiance to the Tibetan rulers in Lhasa.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn23" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxiii]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"> In other words the boundary line that now separates India’s two northeastern states of Assam and Arunacal Pradesh was roughly the
boundary between British India and Tibetan
territories.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn24" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxiv]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"> The threat the British rulers were apprehensive of at that time was
in fact not coming from either the Chinese or the Tibetans.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Imperial Russian advance into Central Asia had begun in the middle of the 19<sup>th</sup>
Century.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Russian campaign was swift
and decisive and by late 1880s the Russians annexed what are now called Central Asian
Republics and their armies were
knocking at the doors of Kashmir and Chinese
Turkestan.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A Russian army led by Captain
Grombechevsky actually landed in Hunza in Northern Kashmir
in 1888.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At the same time Peking’s
authority over the remote western province
of Sinkiang was gradually
weakening because of various politico-social, ethnic and religious
reasons.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There was a danger of Russians
extending their sway over that region and then entering into the adjoining Tibet.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Had they succeeded in that adventure then
they would have posed serious threat to both Northern and Northeastern regions
of India.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn25" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxv]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"> NEFA was a part of the stare of Assam for some times.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In 1972 it was accorded the status of a Union Territory
with a new name of Arunachal Pradesh.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Full statehood followed suit fifteen years later in 1987. </span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn26" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxvi]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Chinese army came right
up to Bomdila, just 80 kilometer north of Tezpur and 40 kilometers away from
oil fields at Dig Boi and thus threatening to enter the Assam plains. </span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn27" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxvii]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"> Though the Chinese have not given up their official claim over
Arunachal Pradesh yet, the fact remains that they have not done anything
significant to disturb the McMahon Line since 1962 despite their overwhelming
superiority against the Indians as far as military strength is concerned.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though the Somdorong Chu incident of 1986
created some resentment in New Delhi
it was amicably settled by the end of the year and was soon forgotten.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn28" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref28" name="_edn28" style="mso-endnote-id: edn28;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxviii]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Kolkata, or Calcutta
as it was know till recently, was the capital of the British Indian empire
during the 19<sup>th</sup> Century and it enjoyed that position until the
capital was shifted to the newly built city of New Delhi in 1911.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn29" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="line-height: normal; text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref29" name="_edn29" style="mso-endnote-id: edn29;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxix]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt;">Aksai Chin is a
triangular elevated tableland lying between the Karakoram Mountains
in the west, Tibetan Plateau in the east, and Kuen Lun mountain range and low
lying Uyghur Xinjiang (Sinkiang) beyond in the north.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Geographically it is an extension of the
great Tibetan plateau.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is easily
accessible from the Chinese side whereas the high-rise Karakoram
Mountains deny India similar
easy access.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn30" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref30" name="_edn30" style="mso-endnote-id: edn30;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxx]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These names were coined by
Alastair Lamb in his book: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The China –
India Border: The Origin of the Disputed Boundaries</i>, Oxford University
Press, London,
1964.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn31" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref31" name="_edn31" style="mso-endnote-id: edn31;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxi]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This line is called
“Ardagh-Johnson Line” as it was prepared way back in 1863 by Survey of India
explorer W. H. Johnson and later proposed to the government of India in 1897 by the chief of British military
intelligence in London,
Major General Sir John Ardagh. See: Woodman, Dorothy (1969), <i>Himalayan
Frontier</i>, Barrie and Rockliff; London, pp. 360-65.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn32" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref32" name="_edn32" style="mso-endnote-id: edn32;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxii]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> This line was suggested to the Viceroy Lord Elgin by George
Macartney, the British representative in Kashgar and proposed to the Chinese, on
behalf of the viceroy, by Claude MacDonald, the British minister in Peking.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn33" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref33" name="_edn33" style="mso-endnote-id: edn33;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxiii]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This line was drawn by the
India Office cartographer Trelawney Saunders for the Foreign Office in 1973.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn34" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref34" name="_edn34" style="mso-endnote-id: edn34;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxiv]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The full text of Viceroy
Elgin’s official communication to London can be found in Dorothy Woodman,
(1969), <i>Himalayan Frontier</i>, Barrie and Rockliff; London, pp.364-65.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn35" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref35" name="_edn35" style="mso-endnote-id: edn35;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxv]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One of the two patrols that
went towards the southern section of Aksai Chin reported in October that the
Chinese had indeed built a road there.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The other patrol that went to the north disappeared.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was later learnt that they had been
detained and later `deported back’ to Indian territory
by the Chinese.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The unfortunate patrol
team was lucky to be discovered and rescued after being dumped by the Chinese
at the Karakoram Pass far away from any nearby Indian
post.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div id="edn36" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=696551711396069046#_ednref36" name="_edn36" style="mso-endnote-id: edn36;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxvi]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-US"> Karakoram Mountains are the second highest mountain ranges in
the world next only to the Himalayas.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn37" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxvii]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For the full text of this
Agreement, see: Sali, M. L., (1998). <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">India-China
Border Dispute- A Case Study of the Eastern Sector</i>, (A.P.H. Publishing
Corporation, New Delhi,
pp.288-92.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn38" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">[xxxviii]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It’s interesting to note
that Indians learned of Chinese presence in Aksai Chin only when Beijing officially
announced in mid-50s that it had completed the construction of a road in that
region.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoEndnoteText" style="text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">REFERENCES</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Ahsan, Aitzaz, “The Indus Person” in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">On the Abyss: Pakistan
After the Coup</i>, (2000) Harper Collins Publishers India,
New Delhi.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Ali, Rahmat (1933): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Now or Never</i>, Monograph, Cambridge.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Aziz, K. K. (1967): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Making of Pakistan:
A Study in Nationalism</i>, Chatto and Windus, London</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Barnds, William J (1972): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">India</i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">, Pakistan
and the Great Powers</i>, New York.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Davies, C. Colin (2<sup>nd</sup> Edn.
1959): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">An Historical Atlas of the Indian Peninsula</i>,
Oxford University
Press, Oxford.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Chadha, Vivek (1989): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Low Intensity Conflicts in India, </i><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Sage Publications, New Delhi</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Chapmann, G. P. (1990): “Religious v.
Regional Determinism: India,
Pakistan and Bangladesh as Inheritors of Empire”, Ch. 6,
pp.108-134 in Chishom, M. and Smith, D. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Shared
Space: Divided Space</i>, Unwin Hyman, London.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">………. (2000): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">TheGeopolitics of South Asia: From Early Empires to India, Pakistan
and Bangladesh</i>, Ashgates Publishing Company, Burlington.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Coupland, R. (1943): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Reports on the Constitutional Problems in India, Pt I The Indian Problem 1833-1935, Pt. II
Indian Politics 1935-1942, Pt III The Future of India</i>,
Oxford University
Press, London.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Ganguly, Swagato, “Grouchy Tiger,
Misread Dragon” in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Times of India</i>,
(Chennai), 8 October 2009.</span></div>
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<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Godbole, Madhav<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2006): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Holocaust of Indian Partition: An Inquest</i>, Rupa & Co., New Delhi.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Habibullah, A. B. M. (1961): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India: A History of the Establishment and
Progress of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the Turkish Sultanate of Delhi, 1206 - 1290</i>, New Delhi.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Hardy, P. (1972): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Muslims of British India</i>, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Hodson, H. V. (1969): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Great Divide: Britain
– India – Pakistan</i>, London.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Hoffmann, Steven (1990): <i>India</i><i> and the China Crisis</i>, Oxford
University Press, Delhi.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Jha, Prem Shankar (2004): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Origin of a Dispute: Kashmir 1947</i>, Oxford University
Press, New Delhi.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Lamb, Alastair (1964), <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The China
– India Border: The Origin
of the Disputed Boundaries</i>, Oxford
University Press, London</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">……….. (1966), <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The McMahon Line</i>, 2 Vols., Routledge and Kegan Paul, London</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">………. (1975), <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Sino Indian Border in Ladakh</i>, University
of South Carolina Press, Columbia</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Luce, Edward (2006): In Spite of the
Gods: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Strange Rise of Modern India</i>, Little, Brown, London.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Maxwell, Neville (1970): <i>India’s
China War</i>, London;</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Michel, A. A. (1967): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Indus Rivers: A Study in the Effects of
Partition</i>, Yale University Press, New Haven
and London.</span></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Pirzada, S. S. (1963): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Evolution of Pakistan</i>,
The All Pakistan Legal
Decisions, Lahore</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Razvi, Martaza (1971): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Frontiers of Pakistan</i>,
National Publishing House, Karachi.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Sali, M. L., (1998). <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">India-China Border Dispute- A Case Study of
the Eastern Sector</i>, (A.P.H. Publishing Corporation, New Delhi</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Swamy, Subramanian (2001), <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">India’s China Perspective</i>, Konark
Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Taylor, David and Yapp, Malcolm
(Eds.), <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Political Identity in South Asia</i>,
Curzon Books, London.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Tayyeb, A. (1966): Pakistan: A Political Geography, Oxford University
Press, London.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Wirsing, Robert G. (1994): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">India</i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">, Pakistan
and the Kashmir Dispute</i>, Macmilan, New
Delhi.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span lang="EN-US">Wolpert, Stanley
(2006): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Shameful Flight: The Last Years
of the British Rule in India</i>,
Oxford University
Press, London.</span></div>
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoBodyText2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Woodman, Dorothy (1969): <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Himalayan Frontier: A Political Review
of British, Chinese, Indian and Russian Rivalries</i>, Barrie
and Rockliff, London.</span></div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
ಪ್ರೇಮತಾಣhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04637584025392553280noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-696551711396069046.post-53088298942113364572012-05-17T11:30:00.000+05:302012-10-26T10:10:33.561+05:30I TOO HAVE MET ANGELS<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">It was August 1984. I was 24 then. Had just joined JNU for M.Phil. and was all alone at home as all other members of the family had gone to Mysore and were not expected to return in the next thirty days.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Before I could think (or worry!) about my alimentary needs, three kind-hearted ladies of the neighbourhood voluntarily took upon themselves the responsibility of keeping me alive till my sister returned. Mrs. Janaki Sitaraman, a Tamilian from Palghat, the immediate neighbour right opposite my door, announced that every morning I would break my fast at her dining table. Mrs. Rama Bhatt, a painter from Shimoga, who lived in the flat, exactly identical to our own ground floor flat, in the adjacent building at Munirks DDA Flats, declared my lunch would be cooked at her kitchen. Mrs. Manorama Rao, a motherly elder from Bangalore who lived in the first floor flat right above Mrs. Janaki Sitaraman’s, softly assured that my supper will be on my table at 8-30 every evening.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><i>Idli</i> or <i>dosa</i> or <i>Appam</i> or <i>Upma</i>, sometimes two or three dishes at a time, for breakfast! <i>Roti,</i> rice, <i>sabzis</i> of myriad variety for lunch!! Plenty of rice, <i>sambar, rasam, pappad</i> and curd for supper!!! Life became so easy. I felt I should go for jogging every morning or else I would grow horizontally enough to prompt my sister, when returned, to wonder whether I was younger to her or… elder!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Days grew wings and flew past at unexpected speed…<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">A couple of years later, on winter morning, I went to DPS, Mathura Road to write an examination, which one I don’t remember now for I wrote several exams during those years. All my friends had got their exam centres close to JNU and I was the only one in our friends circle to be thrown that far.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">The first part of the exam was over at 12 noon and there was a long break of two hours before the second one was to begin. I stepped onto the lawn, walked past several small groups of boasting boys and chirping bevies and a few that had both flavours, and sat at a place far away from all these crowds. I didn’t feel like studying as that was my habit during two exam sessions. I didn’t feel like eating anything either as eating alone is one thing I am uncomfortable with even to this day. I hung my head down, closed my eyes and began enjoying the winter sun.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">I heard footsteps close to me, opened my eyes and saw a short and hefty man with a heavy bag slowly walking towards me. I felt he was also a loner like me and wanted to move far away from the noisy crowds that dotted the lawn and expected him to walk past me. No. he did not walk past me, instead came straight towards me with a smile and sat before me heaving a sigh of something that sounded great relief.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">He introduced himself first. He was from neighbouring Haryana, married, with two children. Like me he was also here as an examinee and like me again, didn’t know anyone here. I told him, in response to his gentle queries, a few things about myself. He seemed not interested in what I said for he cut me short with a different question: “What about your lunch?” While doing so he opened his heavy bag and pulled out a big packet. I told him that I didn’t feel like having lunch. “How can that be? You must eat something.” He said in a tone laced with gentle insistence. Without looking at me he opened the packet and out came aloo parathas, thick and fragrant. Ignoring my insistence that I wasn’t hungry, he put four parathas on a paper plate, opened a big box full of butter, spooned out and literally dumped almost a quarter kilogram of the thick white substance churned out of the milk of, undoubtedly, the famous and massive Haryana buffalo.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">“You shouldn’t stay hungry. Eat eat. This is very tasty, homemade. My wife prepared these parathas for me. She got up early in the morning, very early, at 2 a.m…”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">I ate. He was right. The thick butter and the thicker parathas were very very tasty…<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Two decades passed. Lot of changes took place in the world around me. The mighty Soviet Union collapsed and splintered away, Cold War ended, Gulf War began and it came so close to home, to Afghanistan… I moved to Pondicherry, got married, got a son…<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Arundthati was transferred to Delhi in December 2006. Six months later Aditya and my sister followed suit…<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">I dropped them in Delhi, returned to Pondicherry…, sat alone silently…<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Kamakshi, the maid came, finished her chores silently as it is her nature to be silent… Glanced at me and threw a glance at the stove too and left without a word. I didn’t move from my place.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">The doorbell rang in no time. I got up wondering who the visitor was.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">There was Kamakshi again. I wondered why she came again as she had finished all the work for the day and looked at her quizzically. She avoided me look, walked into the kitchen without a word and opened the packet she had in her hand.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Soon there was a plate before me with four <i>idlis</i> soaked in <i>sambar</i>….<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-IN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">“<i>Anna</i> (Brother), you shouldn’t stay hungry.” She said.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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ಪ್ರೇಮತಾಣhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04637584025392553280noreply@blogger.com4